Commentary Magazine


Posts For: September 8, 2011

We’ve Made Impressive Progress Since 9/11, But Danger Remains

As the war on terror—or whatever we’re calling it this week—approaches its tenth anniversary, much of the popular analysis is founded on the premise that, following Osama bin Laden’s death and numerous other setbacks for the terrorist group, the threat from al-Qaeda has been radically reduced, perhaps even eradicated. As White House counter-terrorism adviser John Brennan said today, al-Qaeda “has taken it on the chin.”

The big point of debate at the moment seems to be whether we need to maintain the current level of counter-terrorist activity or whether we can safely relax our vigilance. At Intelligence Squared U.S. last night, I witnessed two expert teams of debaters hash out that very question. (Rich Falkenrath and Michael Hayden won the debate by convincing a substantial portion of the audience that we shouldn’t “end the war on terror” just yet.)

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Nothing Wrong With Candidates Going After One Another

At last night’s debate, former Speaker of the House Newt Gingrich was asked about the “genuine philosophical differences” between Mitt Romney and Rick Perry on health care. To which Gingrich responded, “I’m frankly not interested in your effort to get Republicans fighting with each other.” He added, “I for one – and I hope all of my friends up here — are going to repudiate every effort of the news media to get Republicans to fight each other to protect Barack Obama, who deserves to be defeated…”

It’s clear to me Gingrich was itching for a fight with the news media, continuing a pattern that began at the last GOP debate. People can decide for themselves how effective that strategy is. I find it slightly off-putting, though I know that many in the base, who have contempt for the media, probably find it refreshing.

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Sessions: Obama Plan Unlikely to Pass Without Offsets

A victory for Obama tonight is pretty straightforward: he needs a strong, reasonable-sounding proposal with new ideas to perk up the financial markets and give his approval ratings a bump. But the long-term impact his plan has on unemployment, which is supposed to be the real point of the address, depends on whether it can get through Congress – a task that already seems destined for failure.

According to Sen. Jeff Sessions, the top Republican on the Senate Budget Committee, the only way the president will get GOP support is if he can propose cuts that will offset the cost of the stimulus immediately.

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Even Obama is Preferable to Ron Paul

There is one line the GOP presidential candidates often repeat during their debates, and it goes like this: Anyone on this stage would be a better president than the current occupant of the Oval Office. That sounds good, except it isn’t actually true. And the reason is because a fellow by the name of Ron Paul is among those on the stage.

No one who has read what I’ve written about Barack Obama during the last two-and-three-quarter years can come away with anything except the impression that I’m a strong, and at times even a fierce, critic of his. But whatever my disagreements with Obama, even he is preferable to Ron Paul. The first duty of a president, after all, is commander-in-chief. It is in the area of foreign policy and national security that he exercises disproportionate influence. And it is in that arena where Ron Paul is particularly reckless, particularly irresponsible, and (if he were ever to possess any real power and influence) particularly dangerous.

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Romney Goes After Perry

“I seen my opportunities and I took ‘em,” was the guiding philosophy of the Tammany politician George Washington Plunkitt. Mitt Romney seen his opportunity today and he’s taking it, going after Rick Perry on Social Security. The GOP will be “obliterated as a party” if it nominates someone who opposes Social Security rather than someone who wishes to save it.

He’s absolutely right in that no one who opposes a guaranteed income for seniors could be elected in the United States in 2012. Where he may be wrong is the presumption that Social Security as it is currently constituted is sacrosanct. Perry’s challenge is to demonstrate that he can attack Social Security in its present form and advocate its gradual replacement by a better system. It appears we are going to have a real-world test of this in the months to come.

But there is something else to be said here about Mitt Romney. Some, like my colleague Pete Wehner, were disturbed by Perry’s somewhat aggressive manner last night, and think his combativeness may wear poorly. But the Perry challenge is now clearly forcing Romney to get aggressive right back, so there are going to be two openly combative guys going at each other.

I don’t think there’s anything wrong with this. Far from it. When the candidates are willing to draw distinctions with each other, voters can better determine who would a) be better as a leader and b) be more electable. Angry Mitt may be the side of Romney the GOP voter needs to see, because it’s the side he hasn’t shown. And that’s a problem for him.

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The Times’ Spectacular Bias Against Israel

I was hoping I could begin this post with an opening like “Day 2 of this nonsense.” But I checked, and technically this is only the second time in three days that the New York Times has displayed spectacular bias against Israel, borne of something between poor judgment and a wholly absent sensitivity to Jewish sensibilities. Again it involves a spy case, again Scott Shane is the author, and again there are brief but pointed insinuations of American-Jewish collusion with Israel.

In contrast to Tuesday’s nonsense, though, there’s nothing particularly subtle about the bias on display. It’s simply a case of the Times throwing around an anti-Semitic dual loyalty accusation – which is also becoming kind of a thing in certain corners of the public sphere – with quite literally no justification. A White House scientist tried to sell classified data to an FBI agent posing as an Israeli spy, and he was arrested and duly convicted.

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The Challenge of Entitlement Reform

Here are some impressions of last night’s GOP presidential debate:

Mitt Romney is a much better candidate than he was four years ago. He seems much more sure of himself, more authentic, more in command. He projects confidence and competence, basic decency, and has the ability to reassure more than inspire. He certainly has the ability to defeat the current occupant of the White House. In most years that would be enough. Whether it’s sufficient this year, with a primary electorate that is more ideological than it has been in the past, is an open question.

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“The Plot against America” as a 9/11 Novel

No novel is better than Philip Roth’s Plot against America at summoning up the Jews’ fear that, after 9/11, their enemies would find some way to drive a wedge between the majority of Americans and themselves. Roth’s great 2004 novel is a “parable for the post-Sept. 11 world.”

So at least Adam Kirsch argued in Tablet on Tuesday. And following his lead, readers have now written to ask why The Plot against America is not included in my list of 9/11 novels.

The answer is simple. It’s absurd to suggest that Roth’s Plot is any kind of “parable for the post-Sept. 11 world,” that’s why. The novel was an experiment in imagining what it would have been like, as Roth himself put it, for “America’s Jews to feel the pressure of a genuine anti-Semitic threat.” But if Jews are now under the threat of genuine anti-Semitism — and they are — the threat does not come from the quarter described in Roth’s Plot.

The book is about what might have happened if Charles A. Lindbergh had won the Republican nomination for president and defeated Franklin D. Roosevelt in 1940. For unexplained reasons, Lindbergh’s election causes Philip’s mother to start crying at the sight of a leather-jacketed D.C. motorcycle policeman, leads Herman Roth to be called a “loudmouth Jew” in a restaurant, and gets the Roths kicked out of their hotel. (The leading characters in this nightmare vision are drawn from Roth’s own family.)

After President Lindbergh mysteriously disappears, his protofascist successor (Burton K. Wheeler, an antiwar Democratic senator from Montana who in historical reality cofounded the America First Committee along with Lindbergh) imposes martial law and accuses “warmongers,” by which everyone understands him to mean the Jews, of seeking to maneuver the U.S. into war against Germany. Anti-Semitic rioting kills 122.

On the literal level, the parallel between 9/11 and Roth’s Plot is hard to discern. It’s true that crackpots like the poet Amiri Baraka shrilled that “4000 Israeli workers at the Twin Towers” had been told “To stay home that day.” There is no popular audience for anti-Semitism in America, though. Baraka was booed when he read the poem at a poetry festival, and New Jersey officials eventually found a way to remove him as the state’s poet laureate.

It’s also true that some Democratic Party isolationists, who might perhaps be called latter-day Wheelers, argued against taking the war on terror to Saddam Hussein’s Iraq. But not even the most extreme of conservatives accused them of being fascists. And what is more, American Jews continued to vote for Democrats in numbers that suggested they did not associate the party with anti-Semitism.

The real fascists on 9/11 were the Islamist terrorists who brought down the towers. Shortly afterwards, Christopher Hitchens described the ideology behind the attacks as “fascism with an Islamic face,” and since then he has not flinched at the term Islamofascism. The fascists in Roth’s Plot, however, are native-born Americans. They are suspicious of the Jews as a foreign element in the American bloodstream. But the post-9/11 suspicion of a “foreign element” in this country, at least according to sources like the Center for American Progress and the novelist Kamila Shamsie, is directed toward Arab Muslims, “America’s persecuted minority of the moment,” as Heeb magazine called them. Yet Roth’s foreign element are warmongers, while American Muslims overwhelmingly opposed the war in Iraq.

I’m confused.

The confusion is not merely the result of misreading The Plot against America as a parable, however. Much of the confusion belongs to the novel itself. As Ruth R. Wisse said in her masterful review in COMMENTARY, the genuine threat to American Jews, “aside from the real possibility of Islamic terrorism,” arises from a “kind of homegrown anti-Semitic coalition, combining elements of the isolationist Buchananite Right (Lindbergh’s direct heirs) with the much more energetic and influential forces of the anti-Israel and anti-American Left,” which increasingly find a welcome refuge on American university campuses. Such a threat could easily serve as the basis of a frightening dystopic novel, but as Wisse observed, that novel would not be entitled The Plot against America. Nor would Adam Kirsch be likely to praise it even if it were.

Can the “Merchant of Death” Get a Fair Trial?

Municipal reporters covering the police beat often hear the common complaint about the “CSI effect”–that juries (and the curious public) expect criminal prosecutions to include every form of DNA evidence they would see on the show. David French wrote about how this might have been applicable in the acquittal of Casey Anthony, whose murder trial “was notable for its strong circumstantial evidence and serious lack of conclusive forensics.”

But there is another modern contrivance increasingly invading courtrooms: the “Google effect.” And it’s worrying Judge Shira Scheindlin, who is presiding over the trial of alleged Russian arms dealer Viktor Bout, also known as the “Merchant of Death”:

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UN Veto Not in Question, But Questions Remain About How Obama Will Do It

Any remaining doubt the Obama administration will veto a resolution on Palestinian independence should it come before the United Nations Security Council was removed yesterday. Wendy Sherman, President Obama’s nominee for undersecretary of state for policy, the department’s third-ranking position, confirmed the veto pledge during her Senate confirmation hearings. But as much as Obama will deserve some credit for spiking the Palestinian Authority’s effort to evade peace negotiations, there is more to this issue than merely an American “no” vote.

The prospect of a UN debate on Palestinian statehood has caused something akin to panic among some Israelis, especially their diplomatic corps. But though the fear of a “diplomatic tsunami” against them is real, it is far from clear an already isolated Jewish state will be any more or less of a pariah after votes in the Security Council or even a victory for the Palestinians in the UN General Assembly. No Palestinian state will materialize on their borders after such a vote, though the terrorist state in Gaza that already presents a potent threat to Israeli security will still be there.

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Why Would U.S. Taxpayers Publish a Celebration of the 9/11 Attack?

A while ago I had blogged about how the Voice of America- Persian Service was politicking blatantly in its news coverage– accusing without so much as an interview or factual reference–neoconservatives of hating Iran.  (VOA-Persian Service did not publish a correction).

Now, as the anniversary of the 9/11 attacks nears, it may be time for Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFE/RL) to consider its mission and how it achieves it. “Winston,” an Iranian expatriate blogger, points me to a section on the RFE/RL homepage called “highlights” which includes a section called #my911, which features personal remembrances of that horrific day. Below is one of the remembrances published on a website funded by American taxpayers and written by a contributor from Peshawar, Pakistan:

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Lindsey Graham Seeks Changes to Debt Deal Trigger

Sen. Lindsey Graham blasted segments of his own party for agreeing to a debt ceiling deal that puts the defense budget at significant risk, and said he would push for changes to the agreement, at a defense forum in Washington today.

Graham called the deal, which includes a trigger that would slash the defense budget by up to $600 billion if the super committee doesn’t agree to $1.4 trillion in deficit reductions, “a philosophical shift of the Reagan party that we have to push back against.”

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William Frost, z”l

William Frost died yesterday at the age of 84. He was a quiet giant in the world of Jewish philanthropy as the head of the Lucius N. Littauer Foundation, which delivers micro-grants to important academic and social-science work relating to the American Jewish community and has endowed chairs at major universities. He was part of a vanishing breed of lay leaders—secular Jews whose commitment to their people and their people’s future was ironclad, passionate, and ever-enduring.

How the Gardasil Debate Could Help Perry

As Jonathan wrote, after last night’s debate it appears that Rick Perry is going to steamroll the rest of the GOP field unless he “does something a lot worse than using rhetoric about Social Security that the GOP core applauds.”

Only one moment in last night’s debate pitted the probable nominee against other conservatives on stage. The issue was about Perry’s executive order requiring Texas’ girls to have the Gardasil vaccine against the HPV virus. Many on the right have accused Perry of overstepping his bounds, of promoting promiscuity among 12-year old girls in the state. In August, Hot Air’s Jazz Shaw had a great piece defending Perry’s decision to mandate a vaccine that prevents cervical cancer.

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Perry’s Challenge and Opportunity

So the big story after Rick Perry’s credible performance in last night’s debate is whether his hostile description of Social Security as a “Ponzi scheme” (and his defiantly peculiar suggestion in his suprisingly interesting and quite radical book Fed Up that states should be able to opt out of Social Security) is a ticking time bomb that will, in time, blow up his campaign—either in the primary or the general election.

The virtue of primaries for those who go through them is that they’re like old-time out-of-town tryouts for Broadway musicals—they reveal early weaknesses that can be corrected on the road before opening night in New York. Granted, just as they don’t go from Boston to New Haven to Broadway any longer, primaries do not take place out of view any longer and candidates therefore have a harder time refining their message.

But they can.

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Universities Receive Legal Warning About Anti-Semitism on Campuses

Campus anti-Semitism is a tricky issue to tackle, and not just because it usually hides behind the mask of anti-Zionism. Pro-Israel students on campus also grapple with a lot of other issues: should they respond to the insane and baseless attacks on Israel from anti-Zionist groups, or would that just give these organizations credibility? Should they try to play up the “positive” contributions Israel and Jews have made the world, or is that overly defensive and banal?

The pro-Israel legal center Shurat HaDin (which I previously profiled here) is taking a different and much blunter approach. If U.S. public universities don’t deal with anti-Semitism on campus, they’re going to have to deal with it in court:

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Palestinians Oppose Unilateral Declaration

Yesterday, Jeffrey Goldberg linked to an Al Arabiya story about how, thanks to the rivalry between the Palestinians’ two ruling parties, a Hamas-affiliated school in Gaza is operating according to a different time zone than the Fatah-affiliated school next door. Goldberg’s headline had some fun with the idea that the Palestinians cannot even agree on the time of day.

Today brings another story of Palestinian intramural confusion. Al-Jazeera notes that as the Palestinians prepare their bid for statehood at the United Nations this month, they don’t actually know who would represent them if such a state were to come into being:

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Sickroom Reading

You are confined to bed. Your eyes feel as if they have been pulled farther apart. A gritty smoke of feverish thoughts fills the space between. You turn on the TV, but old reruns and soaps and trash-talk shows only make you more aware of how lousy you feel. You want to read; you want to lose yourself in a book. After all, that’s what books are for — they are the light-footed transports for carrying you out of yourself.

So. What do you read? Last week in the Guardian, Sarah Crown offered some excellent reading advice (h/t: Books, Inq.). In fact, she broke down her advice into three convenient rules:

     1. Don’t tackle anything new. “Just as the point at which you’re lying feverish and fretful in your bed is not the moment to send out to the brand-new super-spicy curry house round the corner,” Crown wrote, “so it is not the moment to essay an untested novel, either.”
     2. No horror. That is, in Crown’s portmanteau, no “laceration/disemboweling/putrefaction.”
     3. Old favorites that strike the right “balance of familiarity, likeability and narrative” — those are the best. “Detective fiction,” Crown says, “hits all three spots perfectly.”

As someone who’s spent some time there and given some thought to the question, I was particularly interested in Crown’s rules for sickroom reading. Although she never says as much, Crown is pretty clearly talking about an illness that is not life-threatening. The rules change when you are facing death.

Unlike Crown, I was unsuccessful at reading detective fiction while I was sick. I tried everyone from the violent and straight-talking (Ross Macdonald, James Crumley) to the elegant and puzzling (Ellery Queen, Rex Stout). Maybe it’s just me, but I couldn’t keep the suspects and the clues straight. My fuzzy brain quickly got hopelessly lost.

Nor did I follow (by anticipating it) the advice to avoid anything new and stick to old favorites. If by “new” Crown means experimental writing, writing that sets out to accomplish something never attempted before, she is spot-on. William Vollman may be a great writer, but his Europe Central, which I had been meaning to get to ever since it won the National Book Award in 2005, dropped me into a groaning sleep. Richard Powers, Mark Z. Danielewski, David Mitchell, John Banville — their new books left me weakened, coughing.

The ideal prescription for sickbed reading is what Crown describes as a balance of familiarity, likeability, and narrative. But the rule of familiarity doesn’t have to be satisfied by familiar authors. A familiar kind of writing is enough to do the trick. I reread John Williams’s Stoner, but what was soothing was its quiet beauty, not my long acquaintance with it. (At least that’s why I’d recommend it to other sickroom patients.)

Old-fashioned plot-driven storytelling was deeply comforting, even where I was unused to the writers: Arnold Bennett’s Riceyman Steps, Richard Hughes’s High Wind in Jamaica, Elizabeth Bowen’s Death of the Heart, John P. Marquand’s H. M. Pulham, Esquire, William Maxwell’s Folded Leaf, anything by P. G. Wodehouse — books that are removed from the buzzing and humming present, yet written in a near-contemporary style (reading them was not like learning a new language), light on social concerns, thick with human drama. I don’t know whether such reading is fit for every sickroom. But this is the kind of reading that, at least in my bilious experience, is the best place to start.

Is Social Security a Ponzi Scheme?

Last night, Rick Perry put the financing of Social Security and its essential nature front and center in the 2012 presidential campaign. He had called it a Ponzi scheme in a book he published last year, and he didn’t back away from the accusation last night. But is it a Ponzi scheme?

Well, yes and no.

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Causes for Concern in the New Libya

More than two weeks after rebels entered Tripoli, there are plenty of good–and bad–signs about the emergence of the new Libya.

On the positive side is the cynicism of many former Qaddafi supporters who are embracing the rebel cause and in many cases performing the same jobs for the new regime as they did under the old. Just as significant, the rebels are accepting these last-minute defectors into their ranks. Retribution has been kept to a minimum so far. Tripoli has been mercifully quiet so far, with little of the looting or senseless violence which accompanied the fall of Baghdad.

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