Commentary Magazine


Posts For: October 6, 2011

European Mobility and the Euro

One regular criticism of the Euro has long been that Euroland is made up of, as Milton Friedman put it, “different countries [with] different languages, limited mobility among them, and they’re affected differently by external events.”  A recent column by Jay Cost brings home just how low that mobility actually is.

In making the case that Florida will play a crucial role in determining the outcome of the 2012 election, Cost notes 70 percent of its residents were born in another state, and it is therefore a microcosm of the nation. But what is striking is that, while Florida’s out of state rate is particularly high, states like Virginia (49 percent), North Carolina (40 percent), and Texas(33 percent) are hardly completely dominated by the sons of their soil. Even Louisiana, one in every five residents was born outside the state.

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Obama’s Empty Threats

In the president’s press conference today, there were several things that stood out. Obama continued his compulsive need to blame others for his problems. He continued to make transparently untrue claims (such as implying that “every independent economist” agrees with his second stimulus package and insisting that the Solyndra decision was “made on the merits”). He continued to portray himself as a man of incomparable political virtues and his opponents as selfish, uncooperative partisans.

None of this is new; in fact, the act is all getting a bit tiresome. But what particularly amused me is the president’s imperiousness.

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Demonizing Israel’s Internet Defenders

Jon Ronson, the British reporter probably best known in the United States for his work on extremism, is currently posting a video series about attempts to “control” the Internet on The Guardian’s website. In his choice of subject matter and the manner of his coverage, he reveals the strange depths of conspiratorial thinking about Israel popular among a certain set.

In the short introductory video he announces his intention to investigate attempts to control what many think is a free-wheeling Internet universe in which we generally believe that what we appear to see is in fact what we are seeing. This is all interesting and worthwhile. His inclusion in the video of a photo of an Arab protest and reference to the same also seem like indications that he might investigate the most important issues of Internet control: attempts by authoritarian governments from Egypt to China to actively suppress websites or online content they don’t like. To bring the issue closer to home, he could even consider the complicated role Western companies sometimes play. The third video in the series, posted yesterday, and the second dealing exclusively with Israel, unfortunately reveals that Ronson seems much more interested in diving into superficial conspiracy theories.

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Do American Novelists Even Deserve the Nobel Prize?

On Monday, three days before Tomas Tranströmer was announced as the winner of the Nobel Prize in literature (“because . . . he gives us fresh access to reality”), Alexander Nazaryan predicted in Salon that there would be “the usual entitled whining” if an American didn’t win. I haven’t come across any, but at least one of my readers overheard some such whining in my reaction to Tranströmer’s favorite-son award.

It’s no secret that I believe Philip Roth is far and away the greatest living novelist. He represents what I have taken to calling, in a phrase freely plagiarized from John Erskine, the moral obligation to write well. And despite my reservations about literary prizes, which are (to repeat myself) little more than publicity stunts to sell more books, it follows that I would like to see Roth win the Nobel Prize, I suppose.

I pray daily to God to keep me from whining if he doesn’t. Nabokov never did, after all, despite annual predictions that this year at last would be his turn! Among American novelists aged 65 and older — the mean age of a Nobel winner is 66.73 — only Cormac McCarthy is in Roth’s league as a Nobel hopeful. Last year, when he took over as the oddsmakers’ favorite, I suggested that McCarthy would make a good winner, at least in the terms of Alfred Nobel’s original bequest, which specified that a writer of “idealistic tendency [idealisk rigtning]” be honored.

Joyce Carol Oates is admired by critics I respect and despised by critics I respect, and though I am in the latter camp, the more important point is that she does not have a reputation as a major novelist. She has written about a hundred minor novels. (Okay, only 39 plus collections of stories and poems and essays and she’ll probably finish a novella or two before you finish reading this sentence.) Nobody ever seems to mention Cynthia Ozick, although she is a far more significant novelist than Oates with a far broader range, in many fewer books. Marilynne Robinson, who will be 68 next month, is America’s other great novelist, but her problem is the opposite of Oates’s — only three novels in 31 years so far.

American novelists, according to Nazaryan, have only themselves to blame for not winning a Nobel since 1993. And he knows exactly what American literature needs:

America needs an Obama des letters [sic], a writer for the 21st century, not the 20th — or even the 19th. One who is not stuck in the Cold War or the gun-slinging West or the bygone Jewish precincts of Newark — or mired in the claustrophobia of familial dramas. What relevance does our solipsism have to a reader in Bombay? For that matter, what relevance does it have in Brooklyn, N.Y.?

Nazaryan obviously belongs to that corner of the intelligentsia (more like three corners of it, plus a lot of chairs dragged over from the fourth) which still believes, against all evidence, that Obama is “what the historical moment seems to be calling for.”

What the historical moment in literature is calling for is anybody’s guess. There is no such thing as prospective criticism. Nazaryan, however, knows just what it is. He believes the Swedish Academy has been trying to tell American novelists what they lack and what they need. In a word (Nazaryan’s word), they need to be universal. (The italics are his too.) Hence his dig at Roth’s Newark. It is “solipsistic,” you see, to know one place inside out. Far better to be able to congratulate oneself on knowing a little something about all the capitals of Europe. Such knowledge will obviously have “relevance . . . to a reader in Bombay.” I do wonder, though, if Nazaryan believes that a novelist of Bombay like, say, Amit Chaudhuri has relevance for readers in Newark.

The truth is that the demand for universalism in literature is a demand for its extinction. Universalism emphasizes what all human beings have in common, but what all human beings have in common is their biology, and (to paraphrase Ozick) if a human being is no more than his limbs and organs, then what matter that the body is burned and scattered or dismembered and fed to pigs? Good fiction explores how the world looks to someone who is different from me, and the possibility that the world is different from the way I understand it is a real and positive gain in knowledge: the very opposite of solipsism.

By and large, the Swedish Academy awards the Nobel Prize in literature to second-rate writers with agreeable politics. Occasionally a mistake is made and a first-rate writer like Mario Vargas Llosa, J. M. Coetzee, V. S. Naipaul, or Seamus Heaney slips through. No American writer is likely to be awarded the Nobel any time soon, however, unless — like Toni Morrison, the country’s last winner, and just like an Obama des lettres, come to think of it — she can flatter the Swedish Academy’s self-image in selecting her. And who knows? The right sounds of an ideological universalism, which is to say a self-hating anti-Americanism, might just do the trick.

Public Trusts GOP on Economy Over Obama

President Obama is backing the Senate Democrats’ proposal to institute a surtax on people making above $1 million a year, despite the fact that it has little chance of making it through congress. During a press conference today, Obama also warned congressional Republicans that he would campaign against them if they opposed the jobs plan – a threat that’s a little redundant since that’s exactly what he’s been doing since the end of the summer:

“If Congress does nothing, then it’s not a matter of me running against them. I think the American people will run them out of town,” he said. “I would love nothing more than to see Congress act so aggressively that I can’t campaign against them as a do-nothing Congress.”

The more aggressive tone is the product of post-debt ceiling meetings in which Obama assessed the damage, identified mistakes, and adjusted his messaging and his team to put his candidacy on a stronger course, according to Senator Richard Durbin, an Illinois Democrat who is close to the White House.

But Obama’s strategy might not be as much of a threat to Republicans as he thinks.

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Karzai’s Outreach to India Makes Sense

Hamid Karzai is taking a risk by signing a security agreement with India — a move which is sure to confirm Pakistani paranoia about Afghanistan becoming a forward operating base for all sorts of Indian machinations against Pakistan. But, given the open backing of Pakistan for the Haqqani network, the Taliban, and other elements trying to overthrow Karzai and his government, what else can Islamabad expect? Indeed, while he risks further enflaming Pakistani sentiment, Karzai is probably sending a good message by showing Pakistan that it cannot practice aggression with impunity—that the continued attacks of its proxies in Afghanistan will not be rewarded, that they will in fact drive Afghanistan into the arms of Pakistan’s historic enemy.

Karzai is also right to announce that he is suspending peace talks following the assassination of his chief peace envoy, Burhanuddin Rabbani, in a suicide bombing that Kabul claims was carried out by a Pakistani. In the past Karzai’s outreach to his “brothers” in the Taliban had seemed not only naive but also counterproductive — it signaled weakness to the Taliban and also alarmed Karzai’s allies from the old Northern Alliance who feared that he would sell out Tajiks, Hazaras, and other ethnic minorities who loathe the Pashtun Taliban to reach a deal with his fellow Pashtuns.
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Press, Dems Still Grandstanding on Perry

Rick Perry may be losing support among Republicans but he is still getting the frontrunner treatment from both Democrats and liberal media outlets determined to keep the story about the racially charged name of the hunting camp he and his family leased.

Today, Rep. Jesse Jackson, Jr. wasted the Congress’ time by forcing a vote on tabling a resolution demanding that Perry apologize for “not immediately doing away with the rock that contained the word “Niggerhead” at the entrance to the camp he was leasing. The same day the New York Times weighed in with its own story claiming Perry’s sin was common but offering no more proof of his culpability than the original Washington Post piece that started the controversy.

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Holder Ignored Five ‘Fast & Furious’ Briefings?

Attorney General Eric Holder’s claim that he was unaware of the controversial Fast and Furious operation until last spring has been crumbling over the past week, after newly released documents showed that he received written briefings on the program as early as July, 2010. Defenders of Holder maintained that the attorney general overlooked the memos, since he receives “dozens” of briefings each week.

But now the Daily Caller reports that Holder received as many as five written weekly memos during the summer and fall of 2010, from a high-level National Drug Intelligence official, which gave highly detailed information on the program:

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Swedish Poet Wins Swedish Literary Prize

That should be the headline. Tomas Tranströmer, an 80-year-old “surrealist” or “mystical” poet from Stockholm, became the fourth Swedish writer to be recognized by the Swedish Academy with the Nobel Prize in literature. He was the first Swede to be honored since the novelists Eyvind Johnson and Harry Martinson, two writers on every reader’s shelves, shared the prize in 1974. (The German-Jewish poet Nelly Sachs, who split the 1966 prize with Israeli novelist Sh. Y. Agnon, was living in Sweden at the time.)

More Swedish writers have now taken home the award than Italian (three), Spanish (three), Polish (two), Greek (two), Australian (one), or Indian (none), Canadian (none), or Dutch writers (none). Who knew that Sweden was a world power in literature? Tranströmer became the first poet in a decade and a half to win the Nobel Prize.

The poets say that he is something of a transnational figure. In a review of Tranströmer’s New Collected Poems published in the Guardian early this summer, Paul Batchelor calls him a “non-English-language poet who has been fully accepted into British and US poetry in his own lifetime.” In an essay on him at the Academy of American Poets’ website, Tom Sleigh says the reception of Tranströmer’s poetry in this country “is now part of American literary history.” Both of them mention that Tranströmer is associated with Robert Bly’s “Deep Image” movement. (For those of you keeping score at home, Bly’s “deep image” is not exactly the same as Jerome Rothenberg or Clayton Eshleman’s “deep image,” but is no less fuzzy in conceptual content.)

Bly explains helpfully that the “deep image” is a “geographical location in the psyche,” but the critic Kevin Bushnell seems to be on firmer ground in saying that it is “the first attempt in American poetry to incorporate fully the theories of Freud, Jung and other depth psychologists into the poet’s expression.” Tranströmer, a trained and practicing psychologist, would be attracted to such a conception for obvious reasons.

Tranströmer’s poems are serene and unfazed, even when describing the “terror” of an automobile accident as in “Alone” (translation by Robin Fulton):

I

One evening in February I came near to dying here.
The car skidded sideways on the ice, out
on the wrong side of the road. The approaching cars—
their lights—closed in.

My name, my girls, my job
broke free and were left silently behind
further and further away. I was anonymous
like a boy in a playground surrounded by enemies.

The approaching traffic had huge lights.
They shone on me while I pulled at the wheel
in a transparent terror that floated like egg white.
The seconds grew—there was space in them—
they grew as big as hospital buildings.

You could almost pause
and breathe out for a while
before being crushed.
Then something caught: a helping grain of sand
or a wonderful gust of wind. The car broke free
and scuttled smartly right over the road.
A post shot up and cracked—a sharp clang—it
flew away in the darkness.

Then—stillness. I sat back in my seat-belt
and saw someone coming through the whirling snow
to see what had become of me.

II

I have been walking for a long time
on the frozen Östergötland fields.
I have not seen a single person.

In other parts of the world
there are people who are born, live and die
in a perpetual crowd.

To be always visible—to live
in a swarm of eyes—
a special expression must develop.
Face coated with clay.

The murmuring rises and falls
while they divide up among themselves
the sky, the shadows, the sand grains.

I must be alone
ten minutes in the morning
and ten minutes in the evening.
—Without a programme.

Everyone is queuing at everyone’s door.

Many.

One.

“Antitheses such as isolation and society are brought together, generating a powerful field of force,” Batchelor says in his Guardian review, commenting on this poem. “The poem offers no explanation for its abrupt change of scene, and we soon learn that a Tranströmer poem can change with the speed of a dream.”

What else do we learn? Batchelor does not say, and I have no idea. Perhaps, as he implies, the learning is contained wholly within the poem, like a bird in a cage. Even when Tranströmer addresses an outside world, he is not likely to refer to it with any distinguishing exactness. Here is a poem called “November in the Former DDR,” although we never learn why the location is specified (translation, again, by Fulton):

The almighty cyclop’s-eye clouded over
and the grass shook itself in the coal dust.

Beaten black and blue by the night’s dreams
we board the train
that stops at every station
and lays eggs.

Almost silent.
The clang of the church bells’ buckets
fetching water.
And someone’s inexorable cough
scolding everything and everyone.

A stone idol moves its lips:
it’s the city.
Ruled by iron-hard misunderstandings
among kiosk attendants butchers
metal-workers naval officers
iron-hard misunderstandings, academics!

How sore my eyes are!
They’ve been reading by the faint glimmer of the glow-worm lamps.

November offers caramels of granite.
Unpredictable!
Like world history
laughing at the wrong place.

But we hear the clang
of the church bells’ buckets fetching water
every Wednesday
—is it Wednesday?—
so much for our Sundays!

Iron-hard misunderstandings, poets! How far we have drifted from a time when poetry was an art of reflection, measuring thought in exact units. Tranströmer’s award may explain why no poet has won the Nobel Prize in 15 years, and why the Swedish Academy, in an age in which poets no longer perform any public function, was at a loss when it came time to pick the greatest poet now writing, and settled for one of its own.

Palin’s Path to Irrelevance

Sarah Palin’s announcement yesterday that she won’t be seeking the 2012 Republican presidential nomination was, as Charles Krauthammer said on Fox News, about as startling as a bulletin announcing that the Sun will be rising in the East.

But the really interesting thing about her withdrawal was not her decision but the lack of interest in it. Palin has been teasing the media and her deluded followers all year about running without any real intent to actually launch a candidacy. This routine in which she attempted to steal the thunder of the actual presidential candidates garnered attention back in the Spring but it had run out of steam by the time she finally acknowledged what everybody already knew this week. What is most astonishing about Palin is how through poor decisions she has transformed herself from a figure of genuine importance on the right to a sideshow act.

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Echoes of 2000 in ‘Occupy Wall Street’

During President Obama’s press conference today, he punted when asked about whether he supports the Occupy Wall Street protests:

 “Obviously I’ve heard of it. I’ve seen it on television. I think it expresses the frustrations the American people feel. That we’ve had the biggest financial crisis since the Great Depression…and yet, we’re still seeing some of the same folks who acted irresponsibly trying to fight efforts to crack down on abusive problems that got us into this crisis in the first place…The protesters are giving voice to a more broad-based frustration about how our financial system works…we have to have a strong, effective financial sector in order for us to grow.”

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The President’s Press Conference

So the president has thrown down the gauntlet: He wants his jobs bill to pass, or he will hold Congress accountable. He wants Republicans to explain what they will do to create jobs instead and get this economy moving again, because “independent economists” say his $447 billion jobs bill will increase GDP by 2 percent and will create hundreds of thousands if not millions of jobs. If they follow him and act aggressively, he won’t have to run against them (as Harry Truman did against the GOP in 1948) as the “do-nothing Congress.”

The riposte is simple: “We do not believe this will work. It will be $447 billion down the drain, which will follow the $863 billion in stimulus spending down the drain. Enough is enough.” You decide which is the better argument. Seems obvious to me.

UNESCO Vote Puts Obama to the Test

As expected, yesterday the 58-nation executive board of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) voted to admit Palestine as a full member of the organization. The move is part of the Palestinian Authority’s diplomatic offensive to gain statehood from the UN without first making peace with Israel, and may be seen by some as purely symbolic. But the UNESCO vote could have serious implications for the organization as well as for the Obama administration.

U.S. law mandates that the United States must withdraw from any group that offers “full membership as a state to any organization or group that does not have the internationally recognized attributes of statehood.” That will obligate Obama, who is as dedicated a fan of the UN and agencies like UNESCO as has ever sat in the White House, to pull the plug on the flow of the American funds that make up 22 percent of the group’s budget. Because Obama is reluctant to abandon UNESCO, it will be interesting to see whether he finds a way to weasel out of his legal obligations. But if he does, there may be serious political consequences.

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Karzai’s Risky Moves with India

Hamid Karzai is taking a risk by signing a security agreement with India, a move which is sure to confirm Pakistani paranoia about Afghanistan becoming a forward operating base for Indian machinations against Pakistan.

But, given the open backing of Pakistan for the Haqqani network, the Taliban, and other elements trying to overthrow Karzai and his government, what else can Islamabad expect? Indeed, while he risks further enflaming Pakistani sentiment, Karzai is probably sending a good message by showing Pakistan it cannot practice aggression with impunity–that the continued attacks of its proxies in Afghanistan will not be rewarded, that they will in fact drive Afghanistan
into the arms of Pakistan’s historic enemy.

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Friends Don’t Let Friends Write Like Thomas Friedman

Nicholas Kristof’s sanctimonious “advice” to Israel in today’s New York Times sounded eerily familiar. Not the sentiment–“helping” Israel by bashing it repeatedly is a time-honored tradition among Israel’s “friends” in the media–but the actual language used. “Friends don’t let friends drive drunk,” Kristof says, imploring Israel to stop building homes for Jews in Jerusalem.

That sort of clichéd silliness had a distinctly Friedmanesque ring to it. And so it was. Here was Thomas Friedman last year reacting to the news Israel planned to build more homes for Jews in Jerusalem: “Friends don’t let friends drive drunk.” There are many reasons for someone to avoid writing like Tom Friedman. Chief among them is: What did the English language ever do to you? But if Times columnists are going to echo Friedman, I have a request. How about this paragraph?:

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Another Poll, Another New Low for Obama

Another day, another poll, and another new low for President Obama. This time the poll comes to us courtesy of Quinnipiac University, and it shows:

American voters disapprove 55-41 percent of the job President Barack Obama is doing, an all-time low.

By a margin of 77-20 percent, those surveyed believe the economy is in a recession.

Voters say 44 v. 11 percent that the economy is getting worse, not better.

Only 29 percent say the economy will improve if the president is re-elected.

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Defense Budget Can’t Sustain More Cuts

At the Weekly Standard, Gary Schmitt and Tom Donnelly have a typically trenchant article pointing out the possibility of “sequestration”–across-the-board cuts in the defense budget of $600 billion or more if the congressional super-committee does not agree on an alternative this fall–is not the only threat to our armed forces. The cuts that have already been legislated by Congress–amounting to well over $400 billion–by themselves endanger the military’s ability to carry out its duties, notwithstanding the assurances of senior generals and admirals that the current cuts are manageable and not catastrophic.

Schmitt and Donnelly are to be commended for cutting through the current air of resignation in Washington, even in the military community, about the inevitability of massive defense cuts. I spoke at a conference on the subject last week in Washington, sponsored by the Center for Strategic and International Studies, and was dismayed to see the assembled defense experts apparently cannot imagine any alternative to more defense cuts. All they’re arguing about, it seems, is the size of those cuts. The problem is, that can be a self-fulfilling prophecy. If even the defense community is ready to chop away at the defense budget, that gives lawmakers free rein to go even further. Read More

Dems Push Surtax on the Rich

Democrats might have realized calling for a tax hike on families making more than $250,000 was both a) not a great plan during an economic downturn; and, b) not the best way to win over donors before a general election cycle.

The solution: a 5.6-percent surtax on people making more than a million dollars a year that will probably never make it through Congress. And even if the plan does magically get past Republicans, it won’t go into effect until after the election, the Wall Street Journal reports:

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Obama’s Inept Missile Defense Deal

Counter-proliferation and missile defense are not the Obama administration’s strong suit. First, the Obama administration rammed the New START treaty through the Senate before the Democrats lost their supermajority, hardly a maneuver a president would need to do if he felt confident in the merits of his own deal. Indeed, there was and is ample reason for concern. Inept negotiations are the rule rather than the exception within the Obama administration.

After Obama walked backed the Bush administration’s agreements with Poland and the Czech Republic to enable the anti-ballistic missile early warning radar and shield, Obama’s team approached Turkey. In recent weeks, the White House and State Department claimed success: Turkey agreed to host the early warning radar system. It only took a number of phone calls between the White House and Turkey’s Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, military assistance, technology sharing and aid. There were also diplomatic favors: Turkey’s cooperation led the White House and State Department to downplay criticism of Turkey’s incitement against Israel and its warmongering in the eastern Mediterranean.

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Europe Still Hasn’t Learned Lessons From Failed Peace Process

The European Union is reportedly demanding another Israeli freeze on settlement construction to lure the Palestinian Authority back to the negotiating table. That single report encapsulates virtually everything that’s wrong with Western handling of the peace process.

First, there’s the blind belief that doing the same thing over and over will somehow produce different results. After all, PA President Mahmoud Abbas refused to negotiate during the last 10-month moratorium; why should a new one magically dissolve his reluctance?

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