Commentary Magazine


Posts For: October 19, 2011

In Defense of Gridlock

Ronald Reagan made enormous contributions to his country during his presidency – and appointing Antonin Scalia to the Supreme Court ranks very high among them.

I say that not simply because of the votes Justice Scalia has cast over the last quarter-century, but because of his enormous intellectual contributions to our understanding of law, legal philosophy, and the Constitution. I was reminded of this watching Justice Scalia during a recent hearing of the Senate Judiciary Committee, which also featured Justice Stephen Breyer.

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Perry Bets on Flat Tax to Revive Campaign

Rick Perry thought he could revive his candidacy by getting under Mitt Romney’s skin at last night’s debate. But though the jury is still out on whether the new nastier Perry has erased memories of the old sleepwalking Perry of the previous debates, the Texas governor is apparently determined to stay on top of the news cycle with an even bolder gambit: endorsing a flat tax system that could replace the entire Internal Revenue Service code.

The decision to try this route may put some energy and interest back in a Perry campaign that seemed dead in the water prior to last night. But the flat tax, like the very different tax plan of Herman Cain, is also the sort of idea that could open up its sponsor to the same criticism as the pizza magnate’s 9-9-9 scheme. And that could spell trouble in future debates for Perry, who has problems articulating complex ideas on the political stage.

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Biden Pitches Class Warfare to 4th Graders

Earlier this week, Obama suggested that opposition to his jobs plan is coming from people who “just couldn’t understand the whole thing at once.” Fortunately for those idiots, VP Biden was deployed to a 4th grade classroom in Pennsylvania to describe the plan in a slow and patronizing voice. Here’s the tape, via the York Daily Record:

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Obama’s Double Standard on OWS

During one of the GOP presidential debates, two or three people in an audience of more than 5,000 booed a question posed by a gay soldier, not the gay soldier himself. As one might expect, though, many journalists, as well as the president, decided to make a big deal of this. It was held up as an example of Republican bigotry. President Civility, Barack Obama, decided to put his own interpretation on things:

“We  don’t believe in the kind of smallness that says it’s OK for a stage full of political leaders — one of whom could end up being the president of the United States — being silent when an American soldier is booed,” Obama said at a Human Rights Campaign dinner.

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Shalit Deal is No Harbinger of Peace

The debate about Israel’s decision to pay an exorbitant ransom to secure the release of kidnapped solider Gilad Shalit continues to rage, with many still lamenting the release of more than 1,000 Palestinian terrorists. But the real danger from this deal is not, as some have stated, that it will encourage terrorism, because Hamas needs no encouragement on that point. Rather, it is the false narrative promoted in some quarters that the deal legitimizes Hamas as a peace partner, and Israel should be pushed to open talks with the terrorist group.

French President Nicolas Sarkozy said yesterday he thought the Shalit deal ought to inspire hope for the moribund peace process. The theme was taken up in earnest by Israeli left-winger Uri Dromi in today’s International Herald Tribune in which he argues that not only does the exchange prove Israel can and will deal with Hamas (despite its identity as a bloodthirsty terrorist group), but it may prove to be a harbinger of a new round of negotiations in which Hamas will take its place among the peacemakers. Nothing could be further from the truth, both in terms of Israeli intentions and that of the Palestinians.

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Liberalism’s Treatment of Israel

Leon Wieseltier absolutely eviscerates Patricia Storace’s dreadful essay in the New York Review of Books on David Grossman’s most recent novel. Storace gets the translations wrong, the history wrong, the facts wrong. Wieseltier was hoping for the usual NYRB essay: just plain bad. What he found was astounding ignorance as well. (He is also incredulous that the NYRB would deem David Grossman of all people a racist attempting to whitewash Israeli history.)

But Wieseltier gets to the crux of the tension for the remaining pro-Israel leftists, and how the conversation has turned against Israel in a much sharper and more personal manner among the liberal cultural elite:

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Do 59% of Americans Really Support “Occupy” Protests?

With no way to see the actual survey questions or partisan breakdown from this stunning United Technologies/National Journal poll, put me down as skeptical on this one:

A new survey shows that Americans overwhelmingly support the self-styled Occupy Wall Street protests that not only have disrupted life in Lower Manhattan but also in Washington and cities and towns across the U.S. and in other nations. Some 59 percent of adults either completely agree or mostly agree with the protesters, while 31 percent mostly disagree or completely disagree; 10 percent of those surveyed didn’t know or refused to answer.

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The Times Endorses Religious Prejudice Against Mormons

It was somewhat disappointing that except for Mitt Romney, none of the Republican candidates who were asked to comment at last night’s GOP presidential debate on the recent attack on Mormonism by a Rick Perry supporter chose to give a straightforward defense of religious liberty. Of course, since Romney was the candidate whom Pastor Robert Jeffress thought evangelicals should oppose because of his faith, that didn’t do much to clear the air about this nasty episode. But those inclined to blame Perry or any other Republican for condoning, or at least not vigorously opposing this attempt to inject religious bias into politics, could read the New York Times this morning and see prejudice is alive and well in the sacred precincts of the liberal establishment’s paper of record.

Columnist Maureen Dowd chose to dip her dainty toe in the muddy waters of religious bias in a column titled, “Anne Frank, a Mormon?” The point of the piece was not to belatedly slam Jeffress’s statement but to support it, albeit in a backhand way. Her goal was to mock the Mormon faith and its practices in a manner she wouldn’t dare do if she were discussing Judaism or Islam. In highlighting Mormon religious beliefs and practices in a deprecating manner, Dowd was signaling that it was okay for the Times’ readers to harbor prejudice against Mormons, especially strong adherents of the faith like Mitt Romney, while still thinking of themselves as decent liberals.

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RNC Condemns OWS Anti-Semitism

The Republican National Committee is calling on top Democratic leaders to denounce the displays of anti-Semitism at the Occupy Wall Street protests:

Where’s the outrage? While protestors are seen spewing hate against Jewish Americans, President Obama, Nancy Pelosi, and DNC Chairwoman Debbie Wasserman Schultz have declared their support for the demonstrations. Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee Chair Steve Israel even circulated a petition saying he’s “standing with” Occupy Wall Street. …

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Some Thoughts on Last Night’s GOP Debate

1. This was the most lively, entertaining and personally contentious debate we’ve seen. Just about everyone was bloodied a bit. Former Massachusetts Governor Mitt Romney was a target for much of the night, and he once again proved to be the best debater
in the field, not only in his command of the issues (and the record of his opponents) but the best on his feet as well. He stood his ground without losing his cool. And while he absorbed blows from several of the other candidates, some of which were effective, Romney proved to have a powerful counterpunch. He got much the better of the exchanges with Texas Governor Rick Perry on immigration, Herman Cain on 9-9-9, and Newt Gingrich on the individual mandate. And among the highlights of the evening was Romney’s defense of legal immigration and his response on the role of religion in American politics, which was sophisticated and true to the spirit of the founders.

My greatest concern regarding Governor Romney is that he did not mention reforming Medicare a single time in nearly two hours, including in the five points he listed when it came to cutting the budget. This is worrisome; any individual who fails to tackle the reform of Medicare cannot claim to be in favor of limited government and fiscal responsibility. None of the other candidates mentioned Medicare reform either, even as they cheerfully went after foreign aid (some of which is effective and, in any event, the entire foreign aid budget comprises only a tiny fraction of federal spending). It’s hard to imagine any of the candidates would, if they were elected president, put their shoulder to the wheel on Medicare reform if they never make the case for reform as candidates. There’s still time for this to happen, but the early indications are not encouraging. It’s in the area of health-care entitlement where Indiana Governor Mitch Daniels and Representative Paul Ryan are most missed.

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The Question Cain Needs to Answer

One aspect of the Republican presidential debates you can always count on is watching the moderator attempt to form a question out of a lingering perception about a certain candidate. So despite Herman Cain’s lead in several state polls, and even a Rasmussen poll that had him edging President Obama in a general election, no one seems to be taking him seriously as a candidate. Anderson Cooper wanted Cain to tell him why that is.

There is no inoffensive way to phrase such a question, and Cooper gave it his best effort. This is what he came up with, according to the transcript:

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Romney Falls to Earth

Rick Perry’s attack on Mitt Romney for allegedly hiring illegal aliens was pretty weak – nothing new, just stale oppo research published by the Boston Globe years ago. Romney already adequately responded to it way back in ’07. But while the thin substance of Perry’s attack will fade, the image of Romney losing his cool on stage might not.

Before last night, Romney seemed to float above his competitors during debates, never getting his hands dirty. And the favor was often returned – for whatever reason, the other candidates rarely went after Romney hard.

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Was That the Start of a Perry Comeback?

It came a week later than expected and didn’t produce all the results he wanted, but Rick Perry’s wake-up call at last night’s Republican presidential debate in Las Vegas showed there were some signs of life in a candidate who appeared to be dead in the water. Perry, who seemed half-asleep at previous debates, was a different man in Vegas. He came out firing on all cylinders determined to show from the first moment that he was the “authentic conservative” in the race and not one of “convenience,” which is to say, Mitt Romney. In the next two hours, he snarled, interrupted, brawled and even tried to smear Romney. But he also reverted to form every now and then with confused and garbled comments that left observers scratching their heads.

Though Perry has to be feeling a bit better about himself the morning after the debate, it’s far from clear all of his huffing and puffing has changed the dynamic of the race. The real question is not whether he has damaged Romney but if his more spirited performance will enable him to seize back the title of the leading conservative in the race from Herman Cain.

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A Useful List of Useful Idiots

In Bend Sinister, Nabokov’s 1947 novel about political tyranny, the philosopher Adam Krug is asked to sign an oath of loyalty to the régime. “Legal documents excepted, and not all of them at that,” he says, “I never have signed, nor ever shall sign, anything not written by myself.”

This simple confession of faith in individual expression ought to be on the desk of every working writer. A lot of contemporary American writers, however, believe in something a lot more important. As of this morning, nearly a thousand of them have eagerly signed the latest oath:

We, the undersigned writers and all who will join us, support Occupy Wall Street and the Occupy Movement around the world.

(Here is a slightly older list of signatories if the main site is down.) The list of writers reads like a social register of the current literary elite. A list of the major American writers who refused to sign the oath would be much smaller — not only because there aren’t too many major American writers now working, but also because no one seems to consider a Nabokov-like statement of refusal worth making. (At least I can’t find any on the web.)

Only a few writers on the list take the trouble to explain their signatures. Perhaps the most embarrassing is Francine Prose. She “burst into tears,” she explains, when she saw the camp at Occupy Wall Street. It wasn’t the anti-Semitism on display there that caused her to break down. No, she was “moved” by the “variety of people” who were talking to one another with “openness and sympathy.” You know, “grannies talking to goths,” and the like. Makes me want to cry too.

Prose was “struck” by the “clarity” of the movement: “clarity of purpose, clarity of intention, clarity of method, clarity of understanding of the most basic social and economic realities.” She must not have talked to the same people New York magazine talked to. Apparently, though, the “purpose” and “intention” of the protests are so clear that she needn’t bother with clarifying them any further. It’s enough, for her, to say that “we” are “being lied to and robbed on a daily basis.” Ah, the convenience of the passive voice, which excuses the writer from having to say who is lying and what is being robbed.

I may have to resign my office as president of the Francine Prose Fan Club. The truth about the “Occupy Movement” is that, far from representing the “99 percent” of Americans (as it claims), it is a fringe movement of radical leftist ideologues who are “dangerously out of touch with the broad mass of the American people.” Those words belong to Douglas Schoen, who reported in yesterday’s Wall Street Journal on the results of polling among the protestors at Occupy Wall Street. What unifies the “Occupy Movement,” Schoen’s polling revealed, is “opposition to free-market capitalism and support for radical redistribution of wealth, intense regulation of the private sector, and protectionist policies to keep American jobs from going overseas.”

No one who reads very much contemporary literature will be surprised to learn that many prominent writers share those same ideals. The current literary elite is also a faction of radical leftist ideologues who are out of touch with the American people. As Laura Miller wrote in Salon when the five obscure and politicized finalists for this year’s National Book Award in fiction were announced:

[T]he National Book Award in fiction, more than any other American literary prize, illustrates the ever-broadening cultural gap between the literary community and the reading public. The former believes that everyone reads as much as they do and that they still have the authority to shape readers’ tastes, while the latter increasingly suspects that it’s being served the literary equivalent of spinach.

Then Miller went ahead and signed the oath in support of the “Occupy Movement.” It’s bad enough, I suppose, that contemporary writers are bent upon estranging the broad mass of the American reading public. What is worse is their betrayal of their profession. As Dennis Prager observes in a brilliant essay at National Review Online, the political left (which now includes the bulk of American writers) is unified, from its violent and extremist fringe to its democratic center, by a single ideal:

Being on the left means that you divide the world between rich and poor much more than you divide it between good and evil. For the leftist, the existence of rich and poor — inequality — is what constitutes evil. More than tyranny, inequality disturbs the Left, including the non-Communist Left.

The profession of the writer, by contrast, depends upon freedom, and especially upon a fanatical absolutist commitment to freedom of expression. As Nabokov said in a 1964 interview with Playboy,

[S]ince my youth — I was nineteen when I left Russia — my political creed has remained as bleak and changeless as an old gray rock. It is classical to the point of triteness. Freedom of speech, freedom of thought, freedom of art. The social or economic structure of the ideal state is of little concern to me.

Freedom of speech, freedom of thought, freedom of art: there is the only political creed which can unite all writers into a political party. Many prominent American writers have lost interest in freedom, however, and have become obsessed with a world that is divided between rich and poor. Small wonder, then, that more and more readers are losing interest in them.

The murderous political tyrant in Nabokov’s Bend Sinister upholds the doctrine of Ekwilism. (Say it aloud.) When Adam Krug begs, “Leave me alone,” the Ekwilists reply, “Alone is the vilest word in the lnaguage. Nobody is alone. When a cell in an organism says ‘leave me alone,’ the result is cancer.” They insist that Krug, an exceptional man, swear allegiance to a political régime founded upon hostility to the exceptional. They demand he submit to a political system dedicated to “a remolding of human individuals in conformity with a well-balanced pattern.”

Almost a thousand of the best contemporary writers have now joined the Ekwilist party, eagerly supporting the goals of radical leftist tyranny. It’s good, at least, to have them listed in one place.