One of the more frustrating exchanges in the vice presidential debate this past week was the one about Afghanistan. Vice President Biden thinks he won the point by insisting that the United States was simply pulling out: “We are leaving Afghanistan in 2014, period. There is no ifs, ands or buts.” By contrast, Paul Ryan’s position was more nuanced, expressing a clear desire to end the American military role in the war there but criticizing the administration’s decision to announce a firm deadline for the pullout that has told the Taliban that all they need to do to triumph is to just wait for the U.S. to bug out. Ryan has the better argument, but at a time when fatigue with foreign wars is high, it’s hard to avoid the conclusion that Biden’s position might be more popular.
That sentiment reflects not merely the wish to extricate U.S. troops from a bloody and difficult task but a desire to ignore what happens to Afghanistan and its people and to treat the conflict as irrelevant to American interests. That position was more fully articulated in today’s lengthy lead editorial in the New York Times. The piece, titled “Time to Pack Up,” takes the position that the United States should not even wait until 2014 to abandon Afghanistan but flee within the next 12 months leaving the country to the tender mercies of the Taliban. Ironically, the Times underlines Ryan’s fears about what the administration is about to do in Afghanistan. The paper, which in this case probably speaks for most liberals on the issue, treats the Taliban’s eventual victory as perhaps regrettable but unavoidable. They concede defeat to the Islamists but seem to think that admitting this will strengthen rather than hurt American interests in the region. They could not be more mistaken.
The editorial acknowledges that the paper, like many liberals, used to think of Afghanistan as the “good war” that needed to be pursued to victory as opposed to the “bad war” in Iraq. But that has long since been exposed as a cheap rhetorical device whose intent was to bash President George W. Bush rather than a sincere desire to ensure that the Taliban and their al-Qaeda allies did not regain control of Afghanistan. The Times claims that any chance of victory was lost because of Iraq but fails to explain why that is so since they believe no amount of counter-insurgency efforts would root out the Taliban.
Advocates of quick withdrawal blame the situation there on the Afghan government of President Hamid Karzai. On that score, Karzai and his corrupt regime have much to answer for. But the willingness of the Taliban and other Islamists to go on fighting until victory would not be diminished even were the Kabul government to be led by saints. For far too long, America has not treated victory over the Taliban as its priority and the result is an unsatisfying stalemate. But what will follow American withdrawal will be a disaster as even the Times notes:
We are not arguing that everything will work out well after the United States leaves Afghanistan. It will not. The Taliban will take over parts of the Pashtun south, where they will brutalize women and trample their rights. Warlords will go on stealing. Afghanistan will still be the world’s second-poorest country. Al Qaeda may make inroads, but since 9/11 it has established itself in Yemen and many other countries.
The only problem with this assessment is that it may be too optimistic. If the Afghan people believe the government is no longer the “strong horse” in the country, the Taliban and Al Qaeda may achieve far more than a takeover of the south. The result will be ruinous for the people we have sought to protect there, a point on which the Times editors shed few tears. The Times writes as if the end of the Vietnam War was a worthy model for the U.S. to pursue in Afghanistan. Given the toll in human suffering in terms of mass executions, hundreds of thousands sent to “reeducation camps” and or made to flee as boat people, that’s an immoral position. But it is also wrong about the strategic effects of defeat in Afghanistan.
The end in Vietnam did lead to collapse and genocide in Cambodia, but Southeast Asia was always a strategic backwater in America’s Cold War against the Soviet Union. By contrast Afghanistan’s fall would not only reinvigorate an al-Qaeda that the Obama administration pretends to have defeated. It will impact the stability of non-Islamist regimes throughout the Middle East and reduce the chances that a democratic government in Iraq will survive in the long run.
The Times also foolishly asserts that such an outcome would strengthen America’s hand in Pakistan, but it is difficult to see how a victory for their Taliban allies across the border would make Karachi any more amenable to U.S. interests.
It should also be noted that the editorial concludes with a passage that is factually incorrect. Dwight Eisenhower did negotiate an end to the fighting in Korea but he did not leave Korea as the Times asserts. American troops are there to this day guaranteeing the survival of the peace that Ike made. The absence of such a tough-minded peace doomed Vietnam to a totalitarian nightmare and may yet be felt in Iraq. The Times’s claim that what follows our defeat will be, “likely to be more presentable than North Korea, less presentable than Iraq and perhaps about the same as Vietnam.” That demonstrates ignorance of the differences between the Vietnamese communists and our foes in Afghanistan. But if Americans willingly allow the nation that launched 9/11 to fall back into the hands of those who aided and abetted that crime then it will reduce our prestige and harm our interests far more than advocates of withdrawal seem to understand.
Unlike Southeast Asia in the 1970s, America cannot pretend as if the Middle East is on a different planet. The costs of trying to do so will not only be immoral but will also make the United States and the world far less safe.










And imagine what this will do to the psyches of our allies,most prominently Israel. Why should any nation on earth put its faith in our government- especially Obama's administration. (I dare say that any future administration's promises will be looked upon with great suspicion ). To rat out when the going gets tough does not inspire confidence. This is the disastrous consequence of the appeasement policies of this administration.
The Times seems to have forgotten the fall of Saigon, along with much else. n nBut leaving Afghanistan would improve our leverage with Pakistan, in that there is now a large American military force in Afghanistan which must be supplied either through Pakistan or through Russia. That gives the Pakistanis leverage. n nThat alone does not mean cutting and running–but it indicates the folly of our counter-insurgency strategy in Afghanistan, and the failure of the campaign to win Pakistan's civil war against the Talliban for them by defeating the Taliban in Afghanistan.
Time to stop appeasing Israel.
"For far too long, America has not treated victory over the Taliban as its priority" n nThis war was doomed to fail when the US proclaimed Pakistan our friend and agreed not to cross into their country in pursuit of the Taliban. We have given Pakistan billions despite the evidence that they have been working against us. They have provided the safehaven and support in which the Taliban have become strong again. This war could have been won years ago if the initial speeches had been followed by consistent and comprehensive action.
The problem is that staying is neither here nor there. It's neither a expansion of effort nor a fine tuning in the methods. It's marching in place.
The war could have been won, old fashioned style, if not for the politically correct rules of engagement, promulgated by the 'greatest strategic mind since Alexander the Great', Petraous. n nThe left half of the country wants out because they don't give a damn about the afghans (or anyone else, really). n nThe other half has had enough of deaths caused by rules of engagement designed to make men who beat and stone their women and splash acid in girl's faces think better of us, as we make it easier for them to shoot our boys in the back, and make it against regulations for our guys to call in air support when they need it, under many circumstances. n nRead Michael Yon's website to learn more about the disaster that is the Afghan war. n nOnce we announced a date certain for leaving, we lost the war, and we may as well leave before anyone else is shot in the back by an afghan army that is riddled with lunatics and AQ. n nWe can always crater the country if the bad guys cause trouble. n nNo way we can be victorious by trying to win hearts and minds. n nTheir minds simply do not work that way.
Just for the record the moronic rules of engagement came from Obama…
No, they began under Bush. Made worse by Obama? I don't know. Very possibly. I don't have a timeline in my head . . .
The film "Rules of Engagement" was made in 2000. nThe TV series "JAG" ran from 1995-2005, and had it's fair share of cases involving RoE during the Bosnia campaign. n ndoes not matter. Afghanistan's history is instructive, altho not predictive. nTwo conquerors, Tamerlane and Babur, descended from Genghis Khan (the total victory model no longer an option in the Transnational Age. nIt has been during strong monarchies that Afghanistan has enjoyed peace and rising prosperity. nSo, either let China do a 'buy-out', and/or seat Karzai on the throne established by his ancestor (he can host dinners and give speeches), and leave enough weapons with the not-Pashtuns so that a rowdy Parliament can bring back stability. n nRead William O. Douglas 1957 "West of the Indus", travel memoir of 75,000 mile road trip from Karachi to Istanbul (noting he goes from Kabul to Herat via the north.
and air drop Bollywood dvds instead of drone missiles.