Commentary Magazine


Topic: anti-Zionism

The Toulouse Shooting and the Jewish State

The murderer who gunned down children and teachers on their way to school at Ozar Hatorah in the French city of Toulouse this morning was acting from “no clear motive,” according to the New York Times. Gil Taieb, a vice president of the Conseil Représentatif des Institutions Juives de France, was only one of many who knew a lie when he heard one. “For someone to locate this school in a place like Toulouse means he knew what he was doing,” Taieb told the Jerusalem Post. “He went there to kill Jews.”

So far four have died in the attack: Yonathan Sandler, a 30-year-old teacher at the school who had recently emigrated from Jerusalem, along with his two children, six-year-old Aryeh and three-year-old Gavriel, and Miriam Monstango, the eight-year-old daughter of Ozar Hatorah’s principal. “At some point, the shooter entered the school and began firing inside,” a witness told Haaretz. A 17-year-old boy was also seriously wounded, and is said to be hovering between life and death. After the attack, the gunman hopped on a motorbike and sped away. French police and anti-terrorism forces have launched an all-out search for the killer, but so far he has not been found.

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New NYT Jerusalem Chief Reaches Out to Israel-Bashers

The ink has barely dried on the New York Times announcement that Jodi Rudoren will replace Ethan Bronner as Jerusalem bureau chief, and the move is already generating controversy. As Jonathan wrote yesterday, Bronner was attacked by Israel-bashers for having a son who formerly served in the Israel Defense Forces. And now Rudoren is apparently reaching out to these same anti-Israel activists, the Washington Free Beacon’s Adam Kredo reports:

Already, Rudoren is beaming out cutesy missives to prominent, self-described anti-Zionist players such as Ali Abunimah, co-founder of Electronic Intifada, a website that contains a treasure trove of writings highly antagonistic toward the Jewish state.

Rudoren also Tweeted yesterday with the website Mondoweiss, an online portal that is known to traffic in Israel-bashing.

Early yesterday afternoon, Rudoren Tweeted a friendly dispatch to Abunimah, who has referred to Zionism as “one of the worst forms of anti-Semitism in existence today.” …

“Hey there. Would love to chat sometime. About things other than the house. My friend Kareem Fahim says good things,” Rudoren responded, referencing her Times colleague who covers Syria.

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My Encounter with the PCUSA

I wanted to add a personal word to Jonathan’s post regarding the Presbyterian Church USA’s anti-Israel bias.

Years ago my wife, children, and I attended a PCUSA church, where we enjoyed a very good relationship with the senior pastor, who baptized two of our children. Our church was fairly orthodox theologically and certainly more conservative theologically than the official positions of the PCUSA. But in a relatively short period of time, shortly after the 9/11 attacks, my wife and I heard a guest speaker from the pulpit and a guest Sunday school teacher make wholly inappropriate statements against Israel. I raised the matter with the minister, who put me in touch with an associate pastor who oversaw such matters. And in the course of my discussions with her, I eventually learned our church was serving as host to a group with deep and troubling biases against Israel.

It is one thing, and a commendable thing, to show concern for the plight of Palestinian Christians. But it is quite another to use that issue as a pre-text to excoriate Israel. And so I raised my objections, including in e-mails which went into excruciating detail to refute the claims that were being made against the Jewish state and to underscore how unwise and offensive it was to allow our church to become a tool in the propaganda war against Israel. I also made personal appeals to leaders in our church to pull back from its stance. It never really did, and eventually, we left the church. We had established close friendships over the years, but I didn’t feel like we could be a part of a church that was not simply political (which as a general matter I find quite troublesome), but which in this case was promoting pernicious falsehoods.

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Will Presbyterians Repudiate Church’s Hate for Israel and Jews?

The disconnect between the views of the leadership of mainline Protestant churches on the Middle East and those of the rank-and-file members of their congregations has been growing in recent decades. Activists and leading clergy of liberal Protestant denominations have embraced the Palestinian cause while most of those who attend their churches are, like most Americans, warm supporters of Israel. But in the case of at least one of these churches — the Presbyterian Church USA — the gap between those who speak in the name of these institutions and those whom they claim to represent has grown to the point where communal relations are at the brink of a breakdown. Institutions connected with the Presbyterians have become a font of anti-Israel invective that has crossed the line into outright anti-Semitism.

In the course of promoting their anti-Israel policies, church leaders have engaged in rhetoric that seeks not only to delegitimize the state of Israel but also the Jewish community. The actions and statements of the church’s Israel Palestine Mission Network (IPMN-PCUSA) have been so egregious that the Jewish Council for Public Affairs, the umbrella network of Jewish community relations groups, has been forced to go public with their complaints in hopes that ordinary Presbyterians will do something about the epidemic of hate speech springing from church activists.

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Occupy AIPAC Next Step for Leftist Group

Many Jewish liberals have been in denial about the anti-Israel and often anti-Semitic tone of much of the Occupy Wall Street movement since its inception. As our colleague Jonathan Neumann wrote in the January issue of COMMENTARY, the leftist hatred for Israel is thoroughly integrated into the Occupy worldview even though some mainstream sympathizers with the movement would prefer to ignore it. But their tolerance for the way this virus has attached itself to a movement that is supposedly about “social justice” will soon be put to the test again.

The so-called U.S. Campaign to End the Israeli Occupation is organizing an Occupy AIPAC event set to coincide with the annual national conference in Washington, D.C. of the American Israel Public Affairs Committee in March. The group, an anti-Zionist organization dedicated to promoting boycott, divestment and sanctions (BDS) on Israel is hoping to piggyback on the popularity of the Occupy movement to try to sabotage or at least overshadow the AIPAC event. Though the odds are, it will fail, as most such anti-Israel efforts generally do, the manner with which this BDS group has commandeered the Occupy brand name ought to alert liberals to the direction the movement is headed with respect to Israel and the Jews.

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Straddling the Non-Existent Middle

Over at Jewish Ideas Daily this morning, Erika Dreifus writes a cri de coeur of the young American Jewish writer who must somehow make peace with a literary left for whom Israel is far more disgusting and repressive than Burma or North Korea. “In defending Israel, you risk alienating friends, editors, and critics,” she writes. “As open-minded as these ‘liberal or leftist’ circles claim to be, they are as quick as their analogues at the other end of the spectrum to judge and scorn. There is no place for centrists.”

There is no place for centrists, because on the Israel question — the Jewish question of our day — there is no possible “maybe.” Should Israel exist? Should it grant a “right of return” to Palestinian Arabs? Should an armed Palestinian state dedicated to its destruction be founded on its borders? Not even a young American Jewish writer who is afraid of alienating friends, editors, and critics can answer “maybe” to these questions.

And that’s the problem. Too many young Zionists, with the best will of the world, want to stand on both sides of the question. God forbid they alienate their friends or professors or editors! They know — it is the ethos of the literary left — that anyone who speaks a good word for Israel must admit in the same breath, as Dreifus does, that “Israel isn’t perfect.” “I believe that with a little training and lot more study,” she says, “I could do a better job of making a case for Israel, even gaining the ability to acknowledge its flaws publicly.”

Strange, though, that champions of the Palestinian cause never get around to acknowledging its flaws publicly. The first lie of anti-Zionism is that you can criticize Israel without being anti-Zionist. Theoretically, perhaps, you can. But in practice, criticism of Israel never ends with the concession that the Jewish state “isn’t perfect.” It is instead the starting point, the opening salvo, of anti-Zionism.

The American Jewish writer who wishes to “do a better job of making a case for Israel” needs to leave the acknowledgment of its flaws to those who would destroy it. Then she needs to make the case. And the case cannot be made negatively, by simply refusing to associate with Israel’s enemies, but must be made affirmatively, publicly, without stint or hesitation. Dreifus tells how she resigned from the National Book Critics Circle when its blog became “a mouthpiece for criticizing Israel.” She tells how she “declined to join the 2,000 writers, many of them Jewish, who signed an ‘Occupy Writers’ manifesto supporting ‘the Occupy movement around the world,’ ” because of “episodes like ‘Occupy Boston Occupies the Israeli Consulate.’ ” (Then she goes on to criticize me, “COMMENTARY’s chief literary blogger,” for describing the 2,000 Occupy Writers as “useful idiots.”)

Dreifus would like to have it both ways. She would like the esteem and approval of the Occupy Writers, who are nearly unanimous in their implacable hatred of the Jewish state. But she would also like Israel to be publicly defended, just as long as it is defended in a way that is “helpful” and does not embarrass her. As she herself says, though, there are no centrists in this fight. There are only Zionists, anti-Zionists, and the “useful idiots” whose desire to appear “open-minded” and to stand with the angels on the literary left when it comes to every other issue but Israel gives hope and strength to the enemies of the Jewish state.

Qasim Surges in Nobel Betting

Although some readers still cannot bring themselves to believe that I am serious in predicting that the Palestinian “resistance poet” Samih al-Qasim will win the 2011 Nobel Prize in literature, the betting public is listening.

Qasim is now getting odds of 50-to-one at the British-based gambling site taking bets on the Prize. He has pulled even with Salman Rushdie, Ian McEwan, Umberto Eco, and William Trevor (the only one of the four deserving of the Prize), but Qasim still badly trails the favorites — Syrian poet Adonis, the Swedish poet Tomas Tranströmer, and the Japanese novelist Haruki Murakami. (Murakami has an advantage the other two frontrunners lack: he too is conveniently anti-Zionist.)

Last year, when I predicted that he would take home the Prize, the Argentine poet Juan Gelman came out of nowhere to get 15-to-one odds. (Mario Vargas Llosa, another South American writer, won instead.) Now is the moment to put money on Qasim. This is the year for an Arabic poet. Adonis is the greater writer, and he spoke out in condemnation of Bashar al-Assad’s regime three months ago. Even so, Adonis believes deeply that poetry must be separated from politics. Moreover, he left his native Syria for the more cosmopolitan Beirut in 1961, and when Lebanon was consumed by the madness of Middle Eastern politics, he relocated again — this time to Paris, where he now lives as an expatriate.

Qasim, by contrast, is a poet engagé:

No monument raised, no memorial, and no rose.
Not one line of verse to ease the slain
Not one curtain, not one blood-stained
Shred of our blameless brothers clothes.
Not one stone to engrave their names.
Not one thing. Only the shame.

Their ghosts are gyring even now, their groaning shades
Digging through Kafr Qasim’s wreckage for graves.

This poem refers to a shameful massacre in 1956, in which a detachment of the Israeli Border Police gunned down 48 Arabs, including women and children, for violating curfew. Although you would never know it from Qasim’s poem, the massacre sickened and outraged all quarters of Israeli society. The soldiers involved in the shooting were sentenced to prison terms between seven and 17 years. In delivering its verdict, the court rejected the defense argument that the soldiers were merely following orders. The orders, the court found, were manifestly illegal:

Illegality that pierces the eye and revolts the heart, if the eye is not blind and the heart is not impenetrable or corrupt — this is the measure of manifest illegality needed to override the solider’s duty to obey and to impose on him criminal liability for his actions.

That Israel imprisons the murderers of Palestinians, while the “blameless brothers” celebrated by Qasim prefer to name squares and streets after the Palestinian murderers of Israelis, must be too complicated to work into eight lines of Arabic verse. The Nobel Prize committee is unlikely to notice the omission, however — or to object, even if they notice.

Update: In the Weekly Standard’s blog, Lee Smith observes that “Adonis’s support for the Syrian uprising, as well as the Arab Spring in general, is qualified.” Qasim’s support for the Palestinian “resistance,” by contrast, is unqualified and unchecked.