To the Editor:
Irving Kristol [“The Political Dilemma of American Jews,” July] has summarized usefully a number of changes in the political complexion of this country, with particular reference to the traditional attitudes and roles played by Jews. He points out correctly that a dilemma is created by these changes. However, his advocacy of a set of shifts in point of view from those most characteristic of American Jews in the past is problematical, inconsistent, and ultimately depressing. He portrays a Jewish community whose value system should be largely determined by the criteria of expediency and self-interest, abandoning a model of interdependence and interrelationship within this country and internationally. I believe there are better alternatives for American Jews.
Mr. Kristol begins by assessing the impact of the Jesse Jackson candidacy. While it is true that Jesse Jackson’s candidacy has introduced substantive change into black-Jewish relationships, I believe it to be an overstatement to say that “the long alliance between Jewish and black organizations is coming apart.” Though the Jackson-Farrakhan fiasco has disturbed virtually all thinking Jews, there are heartening indications both in the black community and among those close to the black community, ranging from the NAACP and the Amsterdam News to elements of the Black Muslim movement, that black separatism is not the way, that anti-Semitism must be rejected, and that what is needed is a renewed effort to build the black-Jewish alliance, perhaps requiring readjustment on both sides. Believing, as he and I both do, that black-Jewish polarization is “almost too scary to contemplate,” I would expect Mr. Kristol to agree that now is the time to affirm the common black-Jewish agenda and to deal realistically with those areas in which we simply must agree to disagree.
Many in the black community and outside it recognize that the failure on the part of a large number of blacks to move up the socioeconomic ladder more quickly is the result of both internal and external causes: social disorganization and family demoralization within the community as well as racial discrimination from outside it. Nevertheless, Mr. Kristol’s perception of social-welfare programs as the villain makes one shudder. He writes that providing free lunches for poor schoolchildren is “nice,” and “unquestionably nice for the nutritionists, the food-service industry, and the farmers.” So much for the traditional Jewish value of feeding the hungry! But beyond that, he suggests that the fact that the social and individual pathologies in the black family “parallel so neatly . . . the institution of all those social programs” gives us “good reason to think that the Great Society programs themselves had something to do with this social disorganization and individual demoralization.” Why not follow the same reasoning with regard to the half of the black population whose condition, by Mr. Kristol’s own admission, has dramatically improved over the last decades? Their climb up the socioeconomic ladder also neatly parallels the institution of those very same social programs. Why not concede the possibility that those programs contributed to effecting that climb?
Regarding the Moral Majority, there is a peculiar confusion of expediency and principle in Mr. Kristol’s assertions. He suggests that American Jews need to “revise their thinking” on a range of social issues “for reasons of expediency” so as to insure the support of Israel by the Moral Majority. It may very well be that Jews should reconsider their positions on some of those issues on their merits. Pornography may be a case in point. But this does not appear to be Mr. Kristol’s argument. He advocates, somewhat cynically, abandoning our traditional concerns (adhered to because we are “enmeshed in the liberal time warp”) and supporting Moral Majority positions on some social issues in part because their efforts in these areas are “meeting with practically no success” so there is not much risk in lending Jewish support to them!
My position on church-state issues and on other such ethical issues as abortion and school prayer is based on a conviction concerning the separation of church and state and an assertion of freedom of conscience and individual rights which ought not to be sacrificed on the altar of expediency. It is simply not true that American Jews don’t want Christians to become more Christian. They simply wish to maintain a free America, rather than a Christian America, in which Jews are tolerated guests. To Mr. Kristol’s question, “Why should there be a Hanukkah candelabrum at Central Park . . . but no créche?,” my answer is that there should be neither. The Moral Majority’s support for Israel is welcome, but it is primarily the product of the very “theological abstractions” that Mr. Kristol dismisses so cavalierly. It is not offered as a quid pro quo for Jewish abandonment of positions held as a matter of philosophical and ideological conviction.
Regarding Mr. Kristol’s observations on American foreign policy, his analysis implies that there are only two choices: either we accept the fact that “the real world” is “rife with conflict and savagery” and therefore we ought to support “a large and powerful military establishment that can, if necessary, fight and win dirty, little wars (or not so little ones) in faraway places”; or force our country to retreat into a “quasi-isolationism that leaves our moral purity undefiled and the world to its own devices.”
Whether or not a third choice is proposed in the policies and platform of either of our national parties, many of us would choose to affirm a third position: a strong America which spends its resources wisely for an appropriate level of military strength and allocates adequate resources to social programs; a foreign policy which is unembarrassed in articulating and asserting our positions but seeks agreements with adversaries for reasons of mutual self-interest; an America which chooses appropriate arenas in which to take its stand and deals realistically with the need to make choices as to where to invest military strength and where alternative methods of dispute settlement must be pursued.
My vision of America is very different from that of Mr. Kristol. I continue to assert the possibility of developing relationships with other groups based on a willingness to reaffirm the values which have shaped us as Jews and as Americans. I have confidence in continued American support for Israel based on a wide consensus concerning the ties that bind the two countries, their common allegiance to a free society, and the recognition of mutual interests served by those ties. I do not believe in friendship and support acquired by abandoning principle, and I continue to feel that our country’s strength rests ultimately on its rooting of its military and economic might in the soil of compassion.
Executive Vice President
American Jewish Committee
New York City
To the Editor:
Irving Kristol has ably cast the terms of some important national debates in his article, “The Political Dilemma of American Jews.” I would like to comment on just one of those issues—civil rights.
In noting that the civil-rights movement has been “victorious,” Mr. Kristol states that “What are now called civil-rights issues are marginal legal quarrels. . . .” I am inclined to think such a description is belied by Mr. Kristol’s recognition that affirmative action, regrettably, is a concept notable for its historical (and, by the way, judicial) lack of clarity. While it has truly been said that ambiguity is often a healthy sign of the give-and-take of democracy, in this case the ambiguity is less than democratic in its effect. Jews are not alone in asking whether affirmative action really amounts to a system of reverse discrimination or quotas, and if so, in resisting it—but even while resisting it preferring rather confusedly to insist on “affirmative action.” Unhappily, matters are not clarified by the use of “goals and timetables,” which in practice have been indistinguishable from quotas. Such goals, when used to accord a selection preference rather than simply as a recruiting measurement tool, are no less exclusionary than quotas.
Far from constituting a minor legal quarrel, civil rights, while formally victorious in the political arena, are substantively in a rather desultory state. In fact, there is a real danger that the original goal of the civil-rights movement—to eradicate wrongful discrimination—may be undone by the bitterness and confusion spawned by the new notion of civil rights.
That is, the civil-rights movement, having been turned around 180 degrees, nowadays is concerned less with traditional civil rights—which long have been thought to inhere in individuals—than with group rights and the statistically or politically defined results following from such rights. So considered, the civil-rights movement, one of our country’s proudest and still unfinished accomplishments, has turned into a civil-rights agenda for which the bottom line is political partisanship rather than due process. Not the rights of citizenship but the meanderings of sociology now seem to be its primary concern. The older concept of equal opportunity is looked down on as inferior to affirmative action.
In this respect, Jesse Jackson is not so anomalous. In his promulgation of a political agenda under the rubric of civil rights, the Reverend Jackson is following the drift of the civil-rights movement over the last fifteen years or so. Both quotas and the “black nationalism” that Mr. Kristol attributes to Jesse Jackson demand a new kind of separate-but-equal treatment—and both in the name of civil rights. This is irony indeed.
While one can expect that such remarks as these will be a “hard saying” to many sincere people who feel strongly about civil rights, I nevertheless think Mr. Kristol will agree with me in stating matters thusly. For our nation, and each minority group within it, is ill-served by an expansive and unwarranted notion of group rights, and by the use of racism to whittle down the effects of racism. Quotas, of course, no matter what name they go by, are an attempt to do just that.
Irving Kristol has produced a most perceptive and timely article. If the issues he raises are debated fairly and honestly by policy-makers and private citizens alike, our country may yet shed its current factionalism and strengthen a fading consensus on civil rights. An alliance among all Americans, including the sadly troubled one between Jews and blacks, can only thereby be forged.
William Bradford Reynolds
Assistant Attorney General
Civil Rights Division
Department of Justice
To the Editor:
I am among those who share the profound concerns expressed in Irving Kristol’s article, and I congratulate him and thank COMMENTARY for publishing his lucid and penetrating statement. That it is so insightful an exposition makes it also a little frightening—because it raises the question of how many of us can summon up sufficient detachment from the past to examine the evidence and weigh it objectively.
My experience in the Anti-Defamation League made me both participant and witness to some of the “disorientation . . . causing uneasiness and discomfort” in the Jewish political consciousness, in view of fundamental changes in our social and political ambience. At the same time, however, there have been a few notable signs of the kind of candid confrontation with reality for which Mr. Kristol calls. For example, ADL’s National Executive Committee, meeting in Dallas in 1980, reviewed the parade of antidemocratic and anti-Israel actions at the United Nations. We regretfully pointed out that the UN was evolving into “a center of anti-American activity”; we called upon the U.S. to make selective budget cuts in its UN allocation so long as the world body continued to work against American interests.
Our resolution also empowered the officers and administration of the League to initiate an educational campaign which afterward produced, among other things, the agency’s series of full-page newspaper ads alerting the public to the UN’s evils. (I might note that, on another front, this same 1980 ADL meeting called for increased efforts to block “quotas or systems of racial preference,” despite the Supreme Court decision in the Fullilove case.)
So you see, not “all [of] the Jewish organizations have lost their tongues”; after the League had publicized its position, many spoke out against the excesses at the UN (and reaffirmed their stand against distortions of affirmative action).
Mr. Kristol’s article is a necessary catalyst. In any event, his insights may help dispel some of our “nostalgia” for past political perceptions and emotional commitments to specific causes, when present-day realities point toward reexamination and possible change.
Maxwell E. Greenberg
Anti-Defamation League of B’nai B’rith
Los Angeles, California
To the Editor:
Irving Kristol’s animadversions against the “liberal time warp” and “some Jews” who are “enmeshed” in it and whom he admonishes to realize “how wrong they are,” provide the answer to his question, “So what went wrong? Where did Jesse Jackson come from, and why?” Jackson is the expression of the “liberal time warp”; he gives voice to the “frustration of the black ghetto” (and its anger) at those whites who, as blacks perceive it, have reneged on the commitment to racial equality by opposing the enforcement of affirmative action through numerical quotas that provide proof of effectiveness. Without quotas for college and university admissions, hiring, and promotions, affirmative action would remain a mere slogan. Nathan Glazer’s reference to affirmative action as “affirmative discrimination” and the vocal Jewish opposition to quotas are the principal reasons for the breakdown of black-Jewish relations.
Mr. Kristol thinks affirmative action means “encouraging minorities.” But encouragement is not enough to secure the job rights and the right to advancement of blacks and women. To overcome, they need “positive discrimination.” That encouragement of the poor is not enough is a basic insight of the traditional Jewish interpretation of human rights. . . . Widows and orphans and the poor are subjects of “positive discrimination” in Jewish social law, which demands not charity but tzedakah (“justice”); that is, compensation for the poverty caused by ill-fortune or the lack of the ability to compete in the marketplace. Jewish tradition is committed to the Great Society and to Roosevelt’s Four Freedoms, especially “Freedom from Want.”
Providing free school lunches for poor schoolchildren is not merely “nice . . . and unquestionably nice for the nutritionists, the food-service industry, and the farmers,” as Mr. Kristol sarcastically writes. School lunches are a necessity, for there is hunger in this country. Mr. Kristol wrongly concludes that “the social disorganization and individual demoralization within the black ghettos have overwhelmed whatever positive effects those social programs were expected to have, or even might have had.” There are many positive effects—but not enough. Teenage drug addiction and sexual promiscuity are also scourges of prosperous white neighborhoods. But when children of prosperous white parents get into “trouble,” there is money for therapy and abortions. Also, the teenage daughters of prosperous white parents usually have access to birth control, which black teenagers lack. Social workers know that white teenagers are as sexually (and promiscuously) active as are their peers in the ghettos, nor are they immune from becoming hooked on drugs.
Violence and pornography, on the screen, on television, and in magazines and books—and the chic of sexual permissiveness—are the cancer causing the “demoralization” that destroys family values. . . .
Mr. Kristol’s notion that social programs for blacks have been responsible for “dependency”—an “absolute dependency” that corrupts (like power and absolute power corrupt), is an insult infinitely more hurtful than Jesse Jackson’s reference to Jews and New York as “Hymies” and “Hymietown.”
If “the long alliance between Jewish and black organizations is coming apart,” it is because those for whom Mr. Kristol speaks think that encouragement of blacks (and women) is enough. But blacks (and women) know that encouragement is tokenism. The “misery and poverty” of blacks can be overcome only through affirmative action, tied to quotas, and with more economic help.
It took Moses forty years, according to the Bible, to raise a generation not born in slavery and thus ready for settling in the Promised Land. And then it took another seven hundred years, the teachings of the Prophets, and the destruction of Solomon’s Temple and the Babylonian exile to uproot the pagan cults from Judah. Mr. Kristol should know that in the short span of twenty years blacks have done better through self-help than anyone could have a right to expect.
Unlike Mr. Kristol, I do not foresee a “black-Jewish polarization almost too scary to contemplate.” I believe that, contrary to his advice, Jewish organizations will return to the traditional Jewish pattern of the “liberal time warp,” . . . which comprises Jewish ethics and culture.
The Moral Majority’s support for Israel is part of the apocalyptic expectations of evangelical Christians who hope for the return of Jesus at the beginning of the new millennium. Since the return of the Jews to the Promised Land must precede the second coming of Jesus, Jerry Falwell and other evangelical leaders are pro-Israel. . . . Israel welcomes Evangelical Congresses and is “polite” (but not more than that) to the leadership of the Moral Majority. But Mr. Kristol’s notion that “the support of the Moral Majority could, in the near future, turn out to be decisive for the very existence of the Jewish state” is unrealistic. He is right, however, in deploring the misguided court actions of Jewish defense agencies which misinterpret the doctrine of the separation of church and state and oppose cultural pluralism when they bring court actions against Christmas crèches in public places. . . .
The influence of the U.S., together with the influence of the European nations who founded the United Nations in 1945, is “rapidly disintegrating,” but not for the reasons Mr. Kristol cites. U.S. clout in the UN is virtually nil because the 23 industrial democracies in the UN are overwhelmingly outnumbered by 133 UN members representing the Communist states (18) and the developing countries in Africa (46), Asia, (20), Latin America (31), and the Arab states (18). The UN has deteriorated into a lackluster debating society without power. Regardless of who represents the U.S. in the UN, our country will be outvoted by the 133 UN member-nations who regard the U.S. as their enemy. As for Israel, it is now attempting to reestablish relations with Third World African nations that were broken and/or deteriorated after the Six-Day War in 1967.
Mr. Kristol’s apprehension that Jesse Jackson and the black caucus will advocate the allocation of funds now spent for military and economic aid for Israel to social programs in the ghettos is unwarranted. He should know that the U.S. foreign-aid program is designed to serve American interests . . . and U.S. support for Israel (and other countries) will continue as long as it serves these interests.
One need not deplore the disappearance of “Jewish unions.” Jews are the most mobile socioeconomic group in the U.S. As a result, Mr. Kristol correctly states, the membership of yesteryear’s “Jewish unions” is now black, Hispanic, and Oriental. It is natural, therefore, that the leadership of these unions represents the members. Nor is it a calamity that the unions are developing closer political ties to the Democratic party. The “Jewish unions,” in their heyday, voted for the Democratic party; they were not merely “liberal” but “socialist” and passionately involved in socialist-liberal politics.
Sympathy for the Palestinians, which Mr. Kristol disparages, is not necessarily tied to blindness to Israel’s virtues. In his day, Martin Buber was among the most vociferous advocates of national rights for Palestinian Arabs, and today some of Israel’s most seminal minds and most influential writers including Amos Oz and A.B. Yehoshua, oppose Likud policies on the West Bank and in Gaza.
For Mr. Kristol, “liberalism” is synonymous with “evil” and fraught with mortal danger for American Jews and for Israel. He holds, wrongly, that American Jews have a “political dilemma,” and claims, quoting Erik Erikson, that Jews need a new ideological orientation. But the quotation from Erikson refers to an individual and should not be applied, as Mr. Kristol applies it, to ethnic, national, and religious groups.
With respect to American Jews, Mr. Kristol’s advice is fraught with the very dire consequences he thinks can be averted by the rejection of the traditional (in terms of Jewish culture and political affiliation in this and other countries) Jewish commitment to liberalism. Opposing affirmative-action quotas and advocating the ending or cutting back of social programs for the poor, especially poor blacks, will intensify the black-Jewish confrontation instead of healing the wounds and the rift.
Supporting the Moral Majority, which is, in fact, an insignificant minority in Christendom, will stamp American Jews with the stigma of the Reverend Jerry Falwell’s policies.
American Jews must recognize that the wave of the future is the growth of “black power” and the coming into their own of the developing countries of the Third World.
The political landscape of our planet has changed. This is why the “ideological obstinacy,” of which Mr. Kristol accuses Jews and Jewish organizations who are liberal, is in fact the obstinacy of the conservatives, old and new, who in ostrich-like fashion bury their heads in the sand of a conservative ideology that will be swept away by the new powers which have adopted the Jewish imperative: “Proclaim liberty throughout the land” (Leviticus 25:10).
Editor, Jewish Spectator
Santa Monica, California
To the Editor:
The July issue contains two articles, one by Sidney Hook [“Education in Defense of a Free Society”] and the other by Irving Kristol, that suggest opposite courses of action when facing a conflict between principles and expediency.
Mr. Hook calls on us to uphold our “faith and belief in the principles of liberal democracy,” whereas Mr. Kristol is prepared to abandon them in favor of “a purely expediential point of view.”
I have long admired Irving Kristol’s clarity of perception, never more so than when he has written on the situation we face in the Middle East, and I am not quarreling here with his excellent analysis of the dilemmas facing American Jews in their historic support for the civil-rights movement and the United Nations. With regard to the first of these dilemmas, why not use our talents and resources to alert the leaders and members of the NAACP, the Urban League, and other organizations in the black community as to how Jesse Jackson’s activities can undermine and ultimately destroy the civil-rights movement? As for the United Nations, it appears to be beyond redemption.
Senator Jesse Helms and the Moral Majority in the Republican party are similar in their influence on the Right to Jesse Jackson’s influence on the Left. But Mr. Kristol has chosen to harness the Democratic party with its albatross while assuming that the Republican party is immune. His veering to the Right removes a gifted voice from the democratic Center and helps to turn the battle into a contest between the extremes in our society.
Kennett Square, Pennsylvania
To the Editor:
Irving Kristol’s “The Political Dilemma of American Jews” is a bizarre mix of fact and fantasy, united only by his assertion that we Jews must line up with the Right. But, for openers, his fundamental assumption is factually wrong. It is absolutely untrue that America’s Jews are looking for “a more explicit and meaningful Jewish identity and have been moving away from universalist secular humanism.” The majority of Jews are unaffiliated with any Jewish organization, religious or otherwise. This is particularly true of the educated youth, as the intermarriage rate, among other statistics, clearly testifies. And when Mr. Kristol tells us that Israel’s interests require us to line up with Reagan on Central America, and all his future “dirty, little (or not so little) wars,” he conveniently ignores the reality that the majority of U.S. Jews do not care enough about Israel to donate a single penny to the Zionist coffers.
However, on some points he is correct. If you do line up with Israel, then A is always followed by B, and it’s true that the inexorable requirements of the worldwide anti-Soviet struggle now being waged by both the U.S. and Israel would, logically, compel Zionists to “take [their] allies where and how [they] find them . . . even if they are totalitarians (e.g., China).” But it is ludicrous to think, for example, that Hadassah members will ever see themselves as allied to the Chinese Communist party. And if it is also true that Israel has yoked itself to the fortunes of Central America’s juntas, and that their inevitable defeat will be Zionism’s disaster, it is equally absurd to think that the vast majority of the sons and daughters of those Hadassah members will ever support U.S. intervention in the region.
Mr. Kristol is one of the minority of Jews who have checked out of the humanist camp, and have bought into what they are pleased to style “Jewish identity.” Except that he seems to believe that Isaiah was a member of the Wall Street Journal’s Board of Contributors and a registered Republican. And then this self-certified Jew would tie us to the Moral Majority—whom he knows believes the return of the Jews to their land is the prerequisite for the second coming of Jesus. He snickers at the fundamentalists for this, but tells us to abandon two centuries of the Enlightenment, i.e., James Madison’s First Amendment, with its separation of church and state, not only in Israel’s expedient interest but—get this!—because we are allegedly becoming more Jewish and, precisely because we are becoming more Jewish, we must learn to “exist comfortably” with Christian crèches in Central Park, as a quid pro quo to Jerry Falwell & Co. for their support for arms to Israel.
An alliance with Chinese Stalinism and an indifference to Christian crèches in our parks—all in the name of Israel and Jewish identity—and all this in one article, may constitute an unbreakable world record for Newspeak. But why not? After all, this is 1984, isn’t it?
New York City
To the Editor:
. . . Irving Kristol maintains that American Jews, and liberals in general, must rethink their political positions and return to the mindset that preceded the social shift to the Left that occurred during the 60’s and early 70’s. But his argument begins to falter when he says that since some black schoolchildren take drugs and steal while availing themselves of government-supported lunch programs . . ., the positive effects of alleviating hunger are nullified; he implies that the government should not be giving lunch to poor children. But I have not heard Mr. Kristol use the same argument against the defense contractor who devises ways to sell the Army hammers at $200 apiece over a taxpayer-subsidized three-martini lunch. . . . As we have already seen, it is easier to bring the budget axe down on schoolchildren than on the taxpayer-subsidized lunch of the business executive. Mr. Kristol’s contention that “disorganization and demoralization” have overwhelmed the benefits derived from these social programs ignores the very real fact that, the attempts of the Reagan administration notwithstanding, schoolchildren in America are not going hungry.
Mr. Kristol admonishes Jews to rethink their opposition to the Moral Majority and other fundamentalist religious groups. He uses the argument that since the Moral Majority is pro-Israel, it should be supported by American Jews. In connection with the conduct of American foreign policy, this same argument is used by those who say the United States should support any and all Third World dictators who eschew Communism, even though their value systems run contrary to almost everything America stands for. The fact is that the Moral Majority supports the state of Israel . . . because of its role as the only anti-Communist democracy in that region of the world. This support is given on a purely ideological basis, akin to U.S. rightwing support for Roberto D’Aubuisson, and it does not preclude the fundamentalists from espousing policies (school prayer, etc.) that are clearly anathema to most American Jews in their historic battle against oppression and repression. It is potentially dangerous for the long-term interests of Jews and of Israel to fail to separate political support for the state of Israel from policies that are clearly at odds with Judaism and American Jews in particular. . . .
If the existence of Israel hinges on the support of Jerry Falwell and the Moral Majority, as Mr. Kristol asserts, then clearly Israel and its “secular humanist” allies in this country have reached a moral crisis that is beyond any military or political solution. . . . One has only to look at the carnage inflicted by militant religious movements in the Muslim world to understand the dangers of combining church and state. The framers of our Constitution had a clear vision. I cannot say the same for Mr. Kristol and others in the conservative movement.
In talking about military intervention, Mr. Kristol seems to equate moral support for Israel with the need for military support of Third World anti-Communist dictatorships. To fail to understand the difference between U.S. support for Israel and current U.S. policy in Central America is once again to boil world conflicts down to simple East-vs.-West military non-solutions, which have failed miserably in the past.
To use the failures of the liberal state as a justification for a realignment of liberal and Jewish attitudes today is to risk throwing the baby out with the bath water. It is true that, for better or worse, the political tide has shifted to the Right in this country, but the political winds that were blowing so heavily in 1979 and 1980 have begun to swing back to the Center, as evidenced by the lack of support for many Reagan policies and in the congressional elections of 1982. It is now time to improve on many of the well-intentioned but in some cases misguided policies of the past, and make them work for everyone, not discard them for the sake of perceived political convenience.
To the Editor:
Irving Kristol’s article is interesting and provocative, but in his eagerness to chastise American Jews into a full-fledged alliance with the Republican party and the forces of the Right, he oversimplifies and at times distorts a complex situation.
The real challenge confronting American Jews today is to shed the standard labels and to recast themselves politically in the mold of the late Senator Henry M. Jackson. That is, the Jewish community must come to grips with the severity of the threat to U.S. interests and to those of Israel posed by Soviet militarism, expansionism, and anti-Semitism without forsaking such liberal principles as a genuine concern for the poor, a staunch opposition to bigotry, a commitment to protect our environment, and insistence on complete legal equality for women.
To maximize their sway and their constructive input within the current political environment—assuming a secure Israel to be the top but by no means the sole political priority for Jewish Americans—some Jews should be Democrats, some should be Republicans, and most should be what might be termed unaffiliated, enlightened progressives. Candidates of both parties should be judged on their overall merits, but should continue to be made to feel as if their stance on Israel is a matter of significance for their electoral chances. Those who support Israel primarily as a strategic ally (or as the fulfillment of biblical prophecy) are no less but certainly no more valuable and necessary than those who stress a U.S.-Israel community of values and America’s obligation to help sustain an embattled democracy. And since many who back an American defense build-up nonetheless promote an anti-Israel Middle East policy, Jews need to examine carefully even those candidates who correctly advocate a forthright American response to Soviet imperialism.
Alliances of convenience, about which there is nothing inherently evil, are a common feature of American political life. The Moral Majority’s support for a strong Israel should of course be encouraged rather than rejected. But let us not be under any illusions. Israel is not a core issue for fundamentalist reactionaries. For many of them, the number-one hero in Congress is Senator Jesse Helms, whose hatred for . . . Israel is just as fervent and just as repugnant as Jesse Jackson’s. To ally in a broad political sense with such people would be both self-abnegating and extremely imprudent. It would require an utter abandonment of traditional Jewish humanism, bringing negligible gains and immeasurable losses. Being transparently unfaithful to their ideals, Jews would lose respect (including self-respect) across the political spectrum and would forfeit all influence over the direction of the Democratic party, with all the potentially disastrous consequences that would attend such an eventuality.
In fact, contrary to what Mr. Kristol would have us believe, Jesse Jackson has not yet won a controlling voice over Democratic Middle East policy, and friends of Israel and the free world most emphatically should not yield it to him without a fight. Mr. Kristol’s thinly veiled proposition that Reagan’s reelection would be preferable to a Mondale victory from the pro-Israel vantage point (“can anyone doubt that, under a Mondale . . . Presidency, our next ambassador to the UN will be more like Andrew Young than Jeane Kirkpatrick?”) is highly dubious at best. After all, it is Reagan who in essence accused Jews of lacking patriotism during the AWACS struggle; it is Reagan who insists, against the express wishes of clear majorities in both houses of Congress, that Israel remain the only country in the world in which an American embassy is situated outside the designated capital city; and it is the “tough” Reagan administration, as Michael Ledeen argues so effectively in the May COMMENTARY [“The Lesson of Lebanon”], that conducted a ridiculously weak and inept Lebanon policy in 1982-83 to the great detriment of both Israel and the United States.
Like Reagan, Mondale clearly understands the need for American power as a force for world peace, and his record on Israel is far less ambiguous. (Henry Jackson, I am confident, would have endorsed the former Vice President without equivocation. . . .) I, for one, see Mondale as a much better bet both for Israel and for the kind of American society that Jews have historically and properly striven for.
Pawtucket, Rhode Island
To the Editor:
. . . The recently concluded Democratic national convention, which I assume represents liberalism in America, was certainly not a surrender to the elements that both Irving Kristol and those of us who call ourselves “liberal” would consider hostile to American Jewry. The platform adopted by the Democrats speaks out quite strongly on behalf of Israel and Soviet Jewry. I would remind Mr. Kristol that a plank that called for the recognition of the PLO was overwhelmingly defeated in the platform committee and was never even brought to the floor for debate.
There was certainly no hesitation either on the part of Jewish organizations or concerned leadership in the Democratic party in condemning the anti-Semitism of a few during the primary season. It should be noted that many black leaders joined in that condemnation.
Now, to examine the concern for Israel’s safety as evidenced by the Moral Majority and the New Right. Since actions speak louder than words, the sale of the AWACS and other sophisticated weaponry to Saudi Arabia can be used as the prime example of this concern or lack of same. It was the Senators elected with the support of the Moral Majority who voted for the sale while liberal Democratic and Republican Senators opposed it. It was the Reagan administration that told American Jews during the debate on the sale that we had to choose between “Reagan and Begin” and called our patriotism into question on a level not seen in this country in many years. I also remind Mr. Kristol that to many born-again Christians Israel and Judaism merely represent a step on the way to Christianity.
Mr. Kristol also questions the attachment of Jews to a strict interpretation of the Constitution in relation to the separation of church and state. He presents it as an outdated concept, an “opinion of yesteryear.” But it is that separation which protects American Jews who want to reach toward the more meaningful Jewish identity to which Mr. Kristol refers. How long would we survive in a “Christian” America?
Mr. Kristol speaks of Realpolitik in regard to the United Nations and to United States relations with the rest of the world. I would be the last person to defend the UN, but let me point out that Israel still finds it in its interest to remain a member. I raise one final question about Mr. Kristol’s interpretation of real-world politics: why is it not possible for a world power such as the United States to pick and choose its global obligations and not merely support dictatorships because they claim to fly the flag of anti-Communism? . . .
Arnold I. Linhardt
Bronx, New York
To the Editor:
Curiously enough, Irving Kristol’s observations on black-Jewish relations echo the very arguments which he so skillfully disposes of. Both he and the liberal intelligentsia seem to agree that Jesse Jackson reflects the opinions of black Americans, to one degree or another. . . . True, black support for Jackson during the primary campaign was overwhelming, but that support did not translate into an endorsement of his policies. The most recent public-opinion polls show that blacks prefer Mondale to Jackson as President, that a majority of blacks support a strong national defense, and that blacks are generally more supportive of Israel than whites. Despite disagreements on such issues as quotas, the civil-rights agenda still revolves around questions of unemployment, housing, health care, and education: issues on which blacks and Jews remain united. Jesse Jackson may fulminate hysterically, but there were more black Mondale delegates than Jackson delegates at San Francisco this summer. The best way to fight Jackson is to deny him the recognition he so desperately seeks. Mr. Kristol’s philosophy of doom merely serves to clothe the naked emperor created by the media.
The same, I might add, applies to Mr. Kristol’s view of the American labor movement. Lane Kirkland and Albert Shanker are far from gone. They are in their political prime, as it were, along with scores of other labor leaders, black and white, Jew and Gentile, whose commitment to Israel, national defense, and the democratic idea in general is as strong as ever. The AFL-CIO’s involvement in Democratic party politics is a long overdue breath of fresh air, and may very well signal an ideological counteroffensive on the part of Henry Jackson liberalism.
The American Jewish community remains in the New Deal-civil-rights coalition because it must; because an administration which accommodates itself to Jaruzelski could just as easily accommodate itself to Arafat; because employees of the Bechtel corporation make very uncertain allies for Israel; because help from Christian fundamentalists remains suspect during a period of feverish proselytizing aimed at Jews in the U.S. and Israel; and because the ideals of equal opportunity and social justice are simply not worth abandoning when a few clouds appear on the political horizon. Jesse Jackson notwithstanding, some of us have chosen to stay and fight.
New York City
To the Editor:
As a close follower of Jesse Jackson’s presidential campaign and the ensuing blacks-vs.-Jews controversy, I thank Irving Kristol for continuing the discussion of this very important subject. I would, however, like to broaden the perspective and deepen the analysis.
The Jackson campaign is, at its core, anti-white rather than black nationalist or anti-Semitic. It seeks to place the blame for the failings of black Americans on the shoulders of white America, specifically, rich, white, male America. And the metaphor for rich, white, male America has become the Jew. . . .
However, I think Mr. Kristol exaggerates Jackson’s personal power and his political importance in the black community. I believe that Jackson’s and Farrakhan’s rhetoric touches a deep-seated fear among whites that should the American economy collapse, violent racial conflict could develop in this country. For blacks, on the other hand, Jesse Jackson’s comments about Jews are of secondary importance. Jackson is a symbol. . . . He has organized a national campaign; he is as effective and articulate a campaigner as are his Democratic rivals; and he has even upstaged the President of the United States with his international “diplomacy.” He has astutely (though, in my opinion, unprincipledly) positioned himself so that any attack upon him, regardless of what he says, is by extension an attack upon black people in general.
I do not believe that mainstream blacks are anti-Semitic (although, as Jews, we must be aware that, according to Anti-Defamation League surveys, as blacks increase their educational level . . . their anti-Semitism increases rather than decreases). What blacks see is that Jesse Jackson is constantly being downgraded for his weaknesses rather than being congratulated for his strengths. They see this as yet another example of the way white people are always criticizing their behavior. . . .
Many blacks have become aware that whites are not the major cause of black people’s misery, but cannot announce this publicly for fear of being called “self-hating blacks” by none other than Jackson and Farrakhan. . . . They are now sitting on the sidelines waiting to see how Jackson does. . . . I believe they will consider Jackson’s rantings against the Jews and embracing of Farrakhan a mistake not to be repeated. . . .
We Jews must have enough courage to risk being labeled “racist” in order to warn America of the true nature of the evil which Jesse Jackson espouses. We must resist the temptation to view this situation as Jackson would have us see it: as a confrontation between blacks and Jews requiring Jews to reconsider their allegiance to the Democratic party.
Lawrence W. Schonbrunn
To the Editor:
What Irving Kristol has written in “The Political Dilemma of American Jews” is something I have sensed for some time. . . .
The term “liberal” is today nothing more than a hollow shell of its former principles. It has become a convenient cover for leftist ideology: a cover, because leftist ideology under its historic banner is still anathema in the United States. Yet Jews, as Mr. Kristol writes and as I have so uncomfortably observed, act as if nothing at all has changed. . . .
In this country the radicals have preempted the “liberal” label. Thus Jesse Jackson can, with impunity, align himself with the Third World and utter radical rhetoric condemning the United States and all that it stands for and still be admired by some for his candid views. . . .
Jackson and his supporters deeply resent the power ascribed to the “elite” Jewish minority. Theirs is a much larger community, with a potentially monolithic voting bloc. . . . The Democratic party, like any political party out of power, hungers to get “in.” In order to assume power, it has to pander to that black vote. As for old-fashioned liberalism, too bad, but it’s passé.
What Jews should do is swallow their lofty principles and seek, as Mr. Kristol advises, new alliances. While it may seem painful at first, in order to survive, one must learn to accommodate. . . .
To the Editor:
. . . Where has Irving Kristol been since 1972? In that year a large percentage of Jews voted for Nixon and the Republicans . . . and there has been a significant number of Jewish Republican voters in each subsequent election. More than that, Mr. Kristol should know that Pennsylvania, Minnesota, and New Hampshire have Republican (Jewish) Senators, and that Republicans recently ran a Jewish gubernatorial candidate in New York and a Jewish mayoral candidate in Chicago. Where has Mr. Kristol been hiding? There’s a wide country beyond Manhattan’s borders. . . .
As a Republican most of the time, and firmly so after the Democratic debacle of 1968, when leftists brought down Hubert Humphrey and campus intellectuals disdained the First Amendment and spat upon its supporters, I have more confidence in the national Republican party and its goals than I have in the Democratic party. I see no dilemma for American Jews . . . only a continued increase in Republican voters. . . .
Eugene W. Feldman
To the Editor:
Irving Kristol continues to educate me. It is only fitting that I thank him.
His article has answered questions that I have been wrestling with for several years. Why do American Jews—of all people—still cling to the Left? How can they square their support for the United Nations with their support for Israel? Why do they expect me to be more concerned about the oppression of Jews than of Christians in the Soviet Union? And lastly, don’t they know who their real friends are? . . .
Whenever I ask these questions of a Left-leaning Jew, the answer invariably centers on fascism, Hitler, and the Holocaust. I am, of course, sensitive to these feelings, but the answer has never satisfied me—particularly in the face of the anti-Semitism so prevalent in Left totalitarian states. Now I understand, and, armed with this understanding, will try to be more charitable during these confrontations.
My only disagreement concerns Mr. Kristol’s comment that Christian fundamentalist support for Israel will “die on the vine” unless it receives a positive response from the American Jewish community. I think the Moral Majority’s support for Israel has little to do with the feelings of American Jews. Christian fundamentalists seem to regard Israel from a biblical or prophetic point of view, seeing it as the fulfillment of Scripture. That this view developed and exists without American Jewish support or encouragement causes me to believe that it will continue even if this support is not forthcoming. This is, of course, not to say such support would be unwelcome.
Perhaps true understanding will come via our religious values. As more American Jews rediscover their “Jewishness” and the meaning of their faith, they should recognize that they have more in common with the Christian than with the atheist or secular humanist.
Dana G. McCarthy
To the Editor:
Irving Kristol speaks of the support for Israel by the Moral Majority as being unexpected and that American Jews would not have predicted it fifteen years earlier. If so, it is only because most Jews, including Mr. Kristol no doubt, have had little contact with fundamentalist Christians over the years.
I have run across such people, beginning with the Bible salesman whom I met on the ship returning from my first trip to Israel over thirty years ago. Through the years I have read fundamentalist tracts from time to time and met many fundamentalist Christians and have found universal support for Zionism and Israel among them. This support is more deep and lasting than that of liberal Gentiles, being based on certain religious beliefs which are as deep-rooted as my own Zionism. For this reason, it is probably completely unaffected by any attitudes American Jews may have for or against the Moral Majority.
Grand Rapids, Michigan
To the Editor:
Irving Kristol’s brilliant essay, “The Political Dilemma of American Jews,” is the most important, timely article COMMENTARY has ever published. And unless American Jews heed its message, their survival is in jeopardy.
If anti-Semitism is a moral failing, then the moral values of non-Jews can prevent anti-Semitism. Only by strengthening Christianity along with Judaism can America retain its tolerance of diverse religious cultures and the Judeo-Christian values that have preserved this great republic. The weakening of Christianity will serve only to lessen the respect for God in America, with a resulting increase in anti-Semitism and anti-Israel politics.
Never has this been more evident politically than in the Democratic party, a traditional Jewish stronghold. In order to appease Jesse Jackson, party leaders have refused to repudiate his racist demagoguery and Marxist-Leninist leanings. The end result, as Mr. Kristol notes, is the shift of the Democratic party to a radical Left-of-Center philosophy that can only weaken America’s will to survive against our skillful Communist adversaries. . . .
But what of the question with which Irving Kristol concludes his article and which he leaves open-ended: will the conservative movement “be keenly enough interested in Jews to offer tolerable lodging to them?” The answer is an overwhelming Yes!
The evidence is abundant. The leading conservative journals—National Review, Human Events, and Conservative Digest—are staunchly Judeo-Christian, do not tolerate or publish any anti-Semitic or anti-black innuendo, are pro-Israel, and welcome Jewish support. The same attitude holds true for most of the major conservative opinion-molders. . . . It is obvious that any Republican politician who engaged in Jesse Jackson’s rhetoric and conduct, denouncing America while standing on Communist soil, or promoting a Farrakhan at home, would be promptly repudiated and isolated from party policy-making . . .
The Jewish community, in the face of Democratic tolerance of growing anti-Semitism in the party’s left-wing, needs the conservative politics of the present Republican or possible future Populist party to preserve a climate in which Jews may flourish. And conservatives . . . need Jewish support morally, financially, in the public forums, and at the voting booths to help preserve a climate in which Christians may flourish.
The end result, if the Jewish community reevaluates itself in a timely manner, will produce a coalition to preserve our Judeo-Christian heritage and insure its security in a strong America. The alternative, as Irving Kristol realizes, is not pleasant to contemplate.
Buffalo, New York
To the Editor:
As expected, Irving Kristol trenchantly illuminates the national scene in his article, “The Political Dilemma of American Jews.” Alas, there are some unsettling flaws in his argument. Here I want to concentrate only on his most egregiously false assumption, viz., that U.S. policy—at least when Republicans (i.e., conservatives) are in control, as is the case now with Ronald Reagan—flows from a devotion to . . . being “an active, great power in the world.” Yet obviously nothing could be more off base.
The rhetoric of America since World War II has tended to obscure the alarming drift toward the sad reality of increasing bluster, diminishing bite. Let us analyze this remoreseless, unblinking geopolitical trend:
1. At Potsdam, Truman permitted good old “Uncle Joe” to plant his boots solidly over the whole of Eastern Europe.
2. Eisenhower was no bargain, either. During his tenure, Polish and Hungarian attempts to shake off their chains were disregarded
3. In Korea, Truman disdained MacArthur’s advice that the U.S. should act like a great power, and Eisenhower ended up by giving the Communist world little but the back of our hand for its outrageous, murderous invasion of the “free world,” in which fiasco so many American lives were lost and so much treasure squandered. Eisenhower blustered on to deny the British, French, and Israelis their proper right to repulse Nasser’s seizure of one more vital Western position.
4. America had a respite from the Republican interpretation of active, great-power globalism when Kennedy put his hand on the rudder and bungled Cuba, making a lamentable deal with Khrushchev, the end result of which was that Castro’s tenure was solidly recognized and, little understood but far more worrisome, Soviet missile deployments went into place on rail tracks in the Cuban mountains, and pens for Soviet nuclear submarines are now ready and waiting in Cuban waters. . . .
5. . . . Lyndon Johnson did a Grenada à la Reagan in the Dominican Republic, brave posturer he, then squandered a sea of human lives—white, black, and yellow—in Indochina, declaring, by implication, that the peasant civilization of Vietnam was a threat to America but not the Chinese or Russian centers of power which were puppeteering safely from afar.
6. Next, that lifelong paragon of “anti-Communism,” one Nixon by name, squandered still more human beings, widened the war to Cambodia (a “world-class” threat to the West), but again, like all postwar Presidents, lacked the guts to descry Moscow, Peking, or even Hanoi as the command centers of the pestilence.
Nixon went on to accept a SALT I treaty which dismantled our lone ABM defense, and which elsewhere enabled Russia the ten years it needed to consolidate as a superpower. . . . Nixon’s pitiful, trembling posture was accentuated by Kissinger’s denying Israel its rightful victory in 1973. . . .
7. In his brief moment in active power, Republican conservative Gerald Ford flew obediently to Vladivostok and then to Helsinki to capitulate further to Brezhnev.
8. Jimmy Carter’s pusillanimous role in the face of affronts to the free world’s power and prestige needs little comment, but his name will forever be distinguished in history for his speedy refusal to feed the Red hordes when they swept into Afghanistan. Bravo!
9. We now come to that centerpiece of conservative adoration, Ronald Reagan. First, to digress a moment from geopolitics: Reagan has so mismanaged the fiscal and budgetary policies of the U.S. that, in addition to all other consequences, the unbalanced budgets and high interest rates flowing therefrom are creating a thoroughly dangerous trade deficit which is reflected in our high structural unemployment and the growing redundancy and/or aging of America’s productive facilities. We are becoming increasingly . . . a quasi-basket case, except in the subsidized food and armaments industries. All the euphemistic chatter about our becoming a “service economy” obscures the alarming dismantling of our smokestack sinews.
While squandering government (deficit) funds on a proliferating confusion of weapons systems lacking the essential ingredient of a unified, purposeful . . . defense or foreign policy, Reagan is engaged in a long-term make-work policy for America’s armed forces by obstinately building up our only two potential enemies, Russia and so-called Communist China. This has been done through unobstructed, continuous technological transfers, only momentarily interrupted by occasional staged spectacular tantrums. . . .
We also feed the Red Army, Navy, Air Force, and the general population—despite 007, Afghanistan, Sakharov, Polish repression, worldwide KGB activity, SS-20’s, and all that. Mr. Centerpiece inveighs against terrorism but has twice rescued the PLO from the jaws of defeat. Reagan hunkers down in Central America while the Soviets have their submarines aimed at the White House and Central Park, and their 700-“odd” SS-20’s are pointed at the millennia-old centers of Western civilization.
I wonder what American Jews have to “shape up” to in this administration. I also wonder what Solzhenitsyn or Sakharov would say about Mr. Kristol’s characterization of Reagan’s America as “an active, great power in the world”? Somebody is sleepwalking into the 21st century—and I believe they would say, “It ain’t Russia.”
As a plain matter of fact, the Russian empire, a/k/a an “empire of evil,” is alive and well and may even be living in Paris one of these days: because neither American leaders nor the American people are willing to come to grips with what it means to be “an active, great power in the world” at this juncture of history.
New York City
To the Editor:
Although I am generally impressed by the insight and honesty shown by Irving Kristol in “The Political Dilemma of American Jews,” I find that at least some of his observations do not probe deeply enough. For example, in several passages he ascribes the predilection for the political Left on the part of many Jews to the influence of the Enlightenment. This explanation does not tell why Jewish liberals express opposition to capitalism and the principle of private property, both of which the Enlightenment generally upheld. Were the Jews who voted for George McGovern demonstrating their enthusiasm for the social economics of Adam Smith—or perhaps for the political theories of John Locke and James Madison? The question is obviously rhetorical, yet it is a suitable response to what for sociologists and historians has become a sacred truth: that Jewish radicalism reflects the Enlightenment’s overpowering influence among educated Jews.
Mr. Kristol takes at face value what is perhaps another truism: that the concern of so many Jews and Jewish organizations for black civil rights was the natural response of a formerly oppressed group to the plight of another disadvantaged minority. Nonetheless, not all formerly oppressed groups, including Jews, have shown concern for all other groups that are victimized or disadvantaged. Armenians in America were not especially noticeable in their support for black civil rights, however grievously their kinsmen might have suffered under the Turks. Jews have not been as conspicuous in fighting American anti-Catholic bigotry (which, as Peter Viereck properly notes, remains the anti-Semitism of the American intelligentsia) as they have been in opposing anti-black and anti-feminist positions. . . .
There is no need to multiply these examples in order to prove the obvious. Jews, like most other groups, champion victimized people selectively. They often disregard the truly victimized (e.g., the fundamentalist educators in Nebraska who were jailed for exercising religious rights) while expressing sympathy for more dubious classes of victims—such as violent criminals and feminists raging over the persistence of sexual distinctions. It may be that Mr. Kristol has placed the cart before the horse. Jews do not support the Left because they sympathize with all suffering minorities. Rather, they support those alleged underdogs whom they see as victims of the Right. By championing embattled blacks, atheists, homosexuals, and feminists, Jewish liberals have tried to advance a secularist, egalitarian agenda. They have thus far succeeded in keeping other Jews behind them by appealing to the fear of Christian and right-wing anti-Semitism. This fear, as Mr. Kristol observes, is understandable in light of the historical past, although it has little to do with contemporary reality.
Like Mr. Kristol, I believe that the advancement of the Left-liberal agenda bodes ill for Jews even more than for most other Americans. Unlike him, I do not think the political self-delusion of American Jewry has resulted from either misguided good will or 18th-century political philosophy.
Mr. Kristol should not appear to be abandoning the moral high ground to those whom he criticizes by urging them to be less idealistic. It is he, not they, who is defending Judeo-Christian morality and civilization. The political dilemma that he analyzes has arisen mostly from anachronistic fears and hostilities, not from high-minded ideals.
Irving Kristol writes:
Political discourse within the Jewish community—and especially liberal political discourse, which is the dominant version—has some very peculiar characteristics. It is more likely to resemble a sermon in its rhetoric than a conventional political statement. It tends to be abstractly universalistic and intensely moralistic, with a great stress on idealistic motivation. To refer to specifically “Jewish interests” is regarded as bad form, as are references to “expediency” or even “realism.” In contrast, “compassion” is a term that is much used, with a highly laudatory connotation. To be accused of being “lacking in compassion” is to suffer a dismissal that is definitive. To be “lacking in compassion” is much, much worse than being wrong. Indeed, it is even worse than being right.
Now, compassion is indeed a virtue, much prized in the Jewish tradition. But it is worth recalling, as the etymology of the word itself indicates, that compassion is—a passion. It is one among several of our passions that can lead us to a virtuous life, the passion for justice being another. And all of these virtues are capable of being perverted when they are blind to the realities among which they operate. This is especially the case when these virtues are detached from the individual, to whom they properly belong, and are collectivized and politicized. We then have the “politics of compassion,” which can be something very different from what “compassion” means in the Bible or the prayerbook. Just as a blind passion for justice, when politicized, can lead to an unjust political order, so can blind compassion, when translated into public policy, lead to equally disagreeable, unanticipated consequences.
It is not, as some say, that politics is inherently amoral. No human activity can be amoral. But in politics, morality lies in attentiveness to consequences, not in intention or motivation. An individual may receive a credit in heaven even if in a sincere, personal effort to perform a compassionate deed, he unwittingly creates a greater evil. God, who is infinitely compassionate, will forgive him. But political parties and governments have no standing in “the world to come.” They can be judged only in instrumental terms, by the good or evil they actually produce. In politics, doing good is not necessarily the same thing as feeling good about what one is doing.
It is because of the profound intellectual confusion between the spheres of individual moral behavior and collective political action that Jewish political discourse seems to have such great difficulty in attaching itself to the realities of its environment. Take, for instance, the phenomenon of Jesse Jackson. He does not, one hears it said, truly express the sentiments of the majority of American blacks. He may indeed not, and one fervently hopes not. But he unquestionably expresses the sentiments of the majority of politically active blacks. At the Democratic convention, the Los Angeles Times did a comprehensive survey of all black delegates. Three-quarters of the Jackson delegates said they saw no reason to dissociate themselves publicly from Farrakhan’s views. A near-majority of the black delegates committed to Walter Mondale said the same thing, while only a little more than a third demurred. And it is noticeable that, to this day, not a single one of the black moderate leaders, of the kind with whom Jewish organizations have had the most amiable relations, has been strongly critical of Jesse Jackson in public.
These same black moderate leaders, in private conversation, will assure their Jewish friends (and, more often than not, political allies) that Jackson is a transient political phenomenon, a comet across the political heavens that will soon burn itself out. And many Jewish leaders seem ready to accept such reassurances. After all, they point out, Jackson has not come up with a positive domestic program behind which the black community can rally.
But he has, only no one seems to have noticed. That program is racial quotas—a principle espoused by Jackson before he became a presidential candidate and which is now inscribed, however ambiguously, in the program of the Democratic party. What Jackson is saying is: never mind welfare (except as a temporary palliative), and never mind school lunches, and never mind all those other compassionate social programs that American liberals are so passionately devoted to. The solution which he offers to the problem of black poverty in the urban ghettos is proportional representation of blacks in employment, in both the public and private sectors.
A fantasy? Well, it is worth noting that one of the first actions of Mayor Tom Bradley—himself a moderate, certainly—when he returned to Los Angeles from the Democratic convention was to dismiss more than 100 appointed commissioners who oversee municipal agencies. Their replacements include 19 percent black, 16 percent Hispanic, 9 percent Asian, and 3 percent Indian. A carefully calculated “balance.”
Our Jewish organizations have, so far as one can see, paid little attention to this new black political agenda. Nor have they bothered to give thought to the extraordinary fact that Jesse Jackson has been so utterly and consistently indifferent to the old black agenda—which was, and is, the liberal agenda.
Why is this? The answer is clear and simple, however unwelcome to some: that old agenda has lost its credibility because it has not worked. Something like half of American blacks have experienced significant upward economic mobility in the past two decades. That was what we expected to happen, since it has been happening to other poor Americans as well. But the other half of the black community has actually moved downward into worse squalor and poverty. That we did not expect, and cannot even explain—at least in terms of liberal social thinking. But Jesse Jackson understands it, and it is time the Jewish community made a serious effort to understand it, too.
The greatest single cause, by far, of black poverty is the increasing number of female-headed households in the ghettos. Why is the illegitimacy rate for black teenage girls so alarmingly high, when contraceptives and abortions are so easily available? Why is it that, after the majority of these young women get married—and the majority do get married by the time they are twenty-four—they are then abandoned by their husbands or divorce their husbands? Poor blacks have always been with us, but never before in American history has the poor black family suffered such devastation.
There is little doubt that it is our heedlessly constructed welfare system which has unwittingly created a set of perverse incentives for the proliferation of female-headed families as well as for the subsequent break-up of those families. Is it any wonder that so many blacks seem lacking in appreciation of that compassionate liberalism which has so savaged the black community?
The liberal reaction to Jesse Jackson shows that, nevertheless, liberals are desperately determined not to be dispossessed of one of their most precious commitments. Indulging their own need for moral self-gratification and self-congratulation, they vigorously resist any suggestion that they rethink their social policy, and insist that, since we have obviously not done enough to help poor blacks, we must do more of the same. They wish to continue doing bad, while continuing to feel good—all in the name of compassion.
Jesse Jackson, of course, as a black politician, is not about to do liberalism’s rethinking for it. He has simply hurdled the whole issue with his emphasis on jobs—created by quotas. That the black community, and not only the black poor, should welcome this approach is hardly a cause for astonishment. It does offer them a way out of an ugly impasse. But this kind of “affirmative discrimination,” on a broad scale, is surely not going to be acceptable to the majority of the American people. It is, equally surely, not acceptable to American Jews, who constitute less than 3 percent of the population. So one of the major links that held together the black-Jewish political coalition—agreement on the broad lines of social policy—is in the process of being severed.
The second major link—black political support for Israel, in return for Jewish support of liberal social programs—is also in the process of suffering the same fate. It is not only that those traditional, liberal social programs are considerably less significant in the new black perspective. It is also the case that Jackson has evoked a spirit of black nationalism—sometimes distinguished only with difficulty from black racism—that has quickly come to dominate the black political activist community. And this must and will lead, is already leading, to a new black political posture vis-à-vis American foreign policy in general, and American policy toward Israel in particular.
Again, there is nothing really surprising about this development. American blacks, in addition to being Americans, are Afro-Americans. It is natural for them to have some sense of solidarity with blacks in Africa. And the black African nations are part of the Third World and most share a Third World ideology—share it with the Arab nations, most notably. This ideology is preeminently anti-Western (“anti-colonialist” is the favored term) in its political and social values, and consequently anti-Israel, since Israel is perceived (correctly) as an outpost of the West. It is also, of course, to one degree or another, anti-American, in the sense that it wishes to constrict, rather than expand, American power and influence in the world. These are the views of an Andrew Young as well as a Jesse Jackson, though Young expresses them with a prudent moderation.
Most American Jews perceive all this clearly enough. How could they not, when we have in the United Nations a political theater where it is all so candidly expressed? But here too, many are inclined to believe—wish to believe—that the “politics of compassion” on an international scale will eventually achieve those same fine goals that have been hoped for on our domestic scene. In both cases, the experience of the past two decades reveals this to be a fantasy.
American influence in the world is only to a modest degree rooted in any appreciation the world might have for the moral quality of our public life or the moral intensity of our foreign policy. Admirable and ethically impeccable behavior, though always desirable, is not always possible for a great power enmeshed in the world’s complexities, and in any case it is never enough. Influence in international affairs is inseparable from power, from military power specifically. After all, the Soviet Union is not a great and shaping power in the world because of its reputation for respecting human rights. The second most influential nation in the Western hemisphere is Cuba, not Canada, even though the latter is a much nicer country, one that even goes out of its way to show its respect for Third World sensibilities And Israel survives, not only because it shares a democratic political ethos with other Western countries, but because it has been able to win wars.
We American Jews have, in addition to a normal American interest, a specifically “Jewish interest” in seeing to it that the United States is not merely a great democratic power, but the strongest and most influential of the great powers. For the United States is the only power in the world that is committed to Israel’s survival. Never mind the reasons, which—thank goodness!—are not entirely altruistic, though they unquestionably have something to do with the common political values the two nations share. It is the fact that counts. And I do believe that all Jews realize—“feel it in their bones,” as it were—that Israel in our time is “the saving remnant” of the Jewish people, and that should it fail to survive, the Jewish people as a collective entity would very likely disappear, gradually yet inevitably. It is all the more deplorable, therefore, that so many Jews in this country appear reluctant to face up to the brute fact that the standing of the United States in the world is organically connected to American military power and the willingness to use it when necessary.
What makes matters worse is that Jesse Jackson’s views on foreign policy are congruent—not identical as yet, but clearly congruent—with the views of what may well be an emerging majority within the Democratic party. One has to put the matter so cautiously because the party right now is desperately trying to straddle the gap between its traditional liberal internationalism and the post-Vietnam surge of left-wing neo-isolationism, in which Third World themes are prominent. It remains to be seen which leg of that straddle will eventually give way.
Be that as it may, there would seem to be good reason to think that the long-standing political alliance between organizational leaders in the Jewish and black communities, created originally by the issue of equal civil rights for all Americans, is unraveling, and that the forces at work are too powerful to be reversed by soothing diplomacy.
At the same time, and rather to everyone’s surprise, there has come on the scene a new group, an important conservative group loosely labeled the Moral Majority, which is not only vehemently pro-American but also pro-Israel. True, this group, being mainly fundamentalist Christian, is not exactly pro-Jewish. But then, no one ever believed that the majority of American blacks were pro-Jewish, either. And the fact that the Moral Majority is pro-Israel for theological reasons that flow from Christian belief is hardly a reason for Jews to distance themselves from it. Why would it be a problem for us? It is their theology, but it is our Israel.
One would think that Jewish leaders would be interested in exploring the possibility of some degree of cooperation with this group. But they shy nervously away from the prospect. This is not so much because the Moral Majority is Christian, as because it is conservative. (Jewish leaders, for years now, have found it possible to work with politically liberal Christians.) In other words, it is not Judaism or Christianity that causes Jews to keep a political distance from the Moral Majority, but the Jewish commitment to the secular, political religion—a fair description, I think—of the “politics of compassion,” which the Moral Majority does not share. It is revealing to note that Orthodox Jews seem to have no such problem in establishing cordial, if less than completely harmonious, relations with the Moral Majority.
Yes, there are important issues that separate the Moral Majority from the majority of the Jewish community. But are they all non-negotiable? Some may be (e.g., abortion). Others, in my opinion, ought not to be. One such issue is school prayer. When I attended the public schools of New York City, every weekly assembly was opened by the principal’s reading of a Psalm while we stood in silent attention. It strikes me in retrospect as a pretty good way of instilling a minimum of reverence in young people for the religious roots of Western civilization. In addition, we all became familiar with the Psalms, which is a good thing in its own right.
The major problem here is that, while the Moral Majority may be insufficiently attentive to the separation of church and state, the Jewish community has been busy, over these last decades, in trying to erect a rigid wall of separation between religion and the public sphere. Jewish organizations (most of them, anyway) have been so dedicated to this task that, by now, they are absolutely convinced that such a rigid wall is constitutionally prescribed—which, for almost two centuries, it was not thought to be. Indeed, their dedication is so extreme that they can simply shrug off the absurd paradoxes that their views lead to. Do we Jews really wish to argue that it is permissible for high-school students to use a schoolroom, after hours, to study Das Kapital but not to study the Bible? That is exactly the position we have maneuvered ourselves into.
But what is truly important is not to quibble endlessly over details but to try to take a fresh, candid look at the political condition of American Jews today. Yesteryear’s platitudes now fall flat. Times change, circumstances change, but Jewish responsibilities remain, and new opportunities ought not to be neglected in favor of yesteryear’s hopes. The liberal political tradition that most Jews have long taken for granted is in danger of locking the Jewish community into a “time warp.” We, all of us, have to think our way out.
Jewish Voters & the “Politics of Compassion”
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t can be said that the Book of Samuel launched the American Revolution. Though antagonistic to traditional faith, Thomas Paine understood that it was not Montesquieu, or Locke, who was inscribed on the hearts of his fellow Americans. Paine’s pamphlet Common Sense is a biblical argument against British monarchy, drawing largely on the text of Samuel.
Today, of course, universal biblical literacy no longer exists in America, and sophisticated arguments from Scripture are all too rare. It is therefore all the more distressing when public intellectuals, academics, or religious leaders engage in clumsy acts of exegesis and political argumentation by comparing characters in the Book of Samuel to modern political leaders. The most common victim of this tendency has been the central character in the Book of Samuel: King David.
Most recently, this tendency was made manifest in the writings of Dennis Prager. In a recent defense of his own praise of President Trump, Prager wrote that “as a religious Jew, I learned from the Bible that God himself chose morally compromised individuals to accomplish some greater good. Think of King David, who had a man killed in order to cover up the adultery he committed with the man’s wife.” Prager similarly argued that those who refuse to vote for a politician whose positions are correct but whose personal life is immoral “must think God was pretty flawed in voting for King David.”
Prager’s invocation of King David was presaged on the left two decades ago. The records of the Clinton Presidential Library reveal that at the height of the Lewinsky scandal, an email from Dartmouth professor Susannah Heschel made its way into the inbox of an administration policy adviser with a similar comparison: “From the perspective of Jewish history, we have to ask how Jews can condemn President Clinton’s behavior as immoral, when we exalt King David? King David had Batsheva’s husband, Uriah, murdered. While David was condemned and punished, he was never thrown off the throne of Israel. On the contrary, he is exalted in our Jewish memory as the unifier of Israel.”
One can make the case for supporting politicians who have significant moral flaws. Indeed, America’s political system is founded on an awareness of the profound tendency to sinfulness not only of its citizens but also of its statesmen. “If men were angels, no government would be necessary,” James Madison informs us in the Federalist. At the same time, anyone who compares King David to the flawed leaders of our own age reveals a profound misunderstanding of the essential nature of David’s greatness. David was not chosen by God despite his moral failings; rather, David’s failings are the lens that reveal his true greatness. It is in the wake of his sins that David emerges as the paradigmatic penitent, whose quest for atonement is utterly unlike that of any other character in the Bible, and perhaps in the history of the world.
While the precise nature of David’s sins is debated in the Talmud, there is no question that they are profound. Yet it is in comparing David to other faltering figures—in the Bible or today—that the comparison falls flat. This point is stressed by the very Jewish tradition in whose name Prager claimed to speak.
It is the rabbis who note that David’s predecessor, Saul, lost the kingship when he failed to fulfill God’s command to destroy the egregiously evil nation of Amalek, whereas David commits more severe sins and yet remains king. The answer, the rabbis suggest, lies not in the sin itself but in the response. Saul, when confronted by the prophet Samuel, offers obfuscations and defensiveness. David, meanwhile, is similarly confronted by the prophet Nathan: “Thou hast killed Uriah the Hittite with the sword, and hast taken his wife to be thy wife, and hast slain him with the sword of the children of Ammon.” David’s immediate response is clear and complete contrition: “I have sinned against the Lord.” David’s penitence, Jewish tradition suggests, sets him apart from Saul. Soon after, David gave voice to what was in his heart at the moment, and gave the world one of the most stirring of the Psalms:
Have mercy upon me, O God, according to thy lovingkindness: according unto the multitude of thy tender mercies blot out my transgressions.
Wash me thoroughly from mine iniquity, and cleanse me from my sin. For I acknowledge my transgressions: and my sin is ever before me.
. . . Deliver me from bloodguiltiness, O God, thou God of my salvation: and my tongue shall sing aloud of thy righteousness.
O Lord, open thou my lips; and my mouth shall shew forth thy praise.
For thou desirest not sacrifice; else would I give it: thou delightest not in burnt offering.
The sacrifices of God are a broken spirit: a broken and a contrite heart, O God, thou wilt not despise.
The tendency to link David to our current age lies in the fact that we know more about David than any other biblical figure. The author Thomas Cahill has noted that in a certain literary sense, David is the only biblical figure that is like us at all. Prior to the humanist autobiographies of the Renaissance, he notes, “we can count only a few isolated instances of this use of ‘I’ to mean the interior self. But David’s psalms are full of I’s.” In David’s Psalms, Cahill writes, we “find a unique early roadmap to the inner spirit—previously mute—of ancient humanity.”
At the same time, a study of the Book of Samuel and of the Psalms reveals how utterly incomparable David is to anyone alive today. Haym Soloveitchik has noted that even the most observant of Jews today fail to feel a constant intimacy with God that the simplest Jew of the premodern age might have felt, that “while there are always those whose spirituality is one apart from that of their time, nevertheless I think it safe to say that the perception of God as a daily, natural force is no longer present to a significant degree in any sector of modern Jewry, even the most religious.” Yet for David, such intimacy with the divine was central to his existence, and the Book of Samuel and the Psalms are an eternal testament to this fact. This is why simple comparisons between David and ourselves, as tempting as they are, must be resisted. David Wolpe, in his book about David, attempts to make the case as to why King David’s life speaks to us today: “So versatile and enduring is David in our culture that rare is the week that passes without some public allusion to his life…We need to understand David better because we use his life to comprehend our own.”
The truth may be the opposite. We need to understand David better because we can use his life to comprehend what we are missing, and how utterly unlike our lives are to his own. For even the most religious among us have lost the profound faith and intimacy with God that David had. It is therefore incorrect to assume that because of David’s flaws it would have been, as Amos Oz has written, “fitting for him to reign in Tel Aviv.” The modern State of Israel was blessed with brilliant leaders, but to which of its modern warriors or statesmen should David be compared? To Ben Gurion, who stripped any explicit invocation of the Divine from Israel’s Declaration of Independence? To Moshe Dayan, who oversaw the reconquest of Jerusalem, and then immediately handed back the Temple Mount, the locus of King David’s dreams and desires, to the administration of the enemies of Israel? David’s complex humanity inspires comparison to modern figures, but his faith, contrition, and repentance—which lie at the heart of his story and success—defy any such engagement.
And so, to those who seek comparisons to modern leaders from the Bible, the best rule may be: Leave King David out of it.
Three attacks in Britain highlight the West’s inability to see the threat clearly
This lack of seriousness manifests itself in several ways. It’s perhaps most obvious in the failure to reform Britain’s chaotic immigration and dysfunctional asylum systems. But it’s also abundantly clear from the grotesque underfunding and under-resourcing of domestic intelligence. In MI5, Britain has an internal security service that is simply too small to do its job effectively, even if it were not handicapped by an institutional culture that can seem willfully blind to the ideological roots of the current terrorism problem.
In 2009, Jonathan Evans, then head of MI5, confessed at a parliamentary hearing about the London bus and subway attacks of 2005 that his organization only had sufficient resources to “hit the crocodiles close to the boat.” It was an extraordinary metaphor to use, not least because of the impression of relative impotence that it conveys. MI5 had by then doubled in size since 2001, but it still boasted a staff of only 3,500. Today it’s said to employ between 4,000 and 5,000, an astonishingly, even laughably, small number given a UK population of 65 million and the scale of the security challenges Britain now faces. (To be fair, the major British police forces all have intelligence units devoted to terrorism, and the UK government’s overall counterterrorism strategy involves a great many people, including social workers and schoolteachers.)
You can also see that unseriousness at work in the abject failure to coerce Britain’s often remarkably sedentary police officers out of their cars and stations and back onto the streets. Most of Britain’s big-city police forces have adopted a reactive model of policing (consciously rejecting both the New York Compstat model and British “bobby on the beat” traditions) that cripples intelligence-gathering and frustrates good community relations.
If that weren’t bad enough, Britain’s judiciary is led by jurists who came of age in the 1960s, and who have been inclined since 2001 to treat terrorism as an ordinary criminal problem being exploited by malign officials and politicians to make assaults on individual rights and to take part in “illegal” foreign wars. It has long been almost impossible to extradite ISIS or al-Qaeda–linked Islamists from the UK. This is partly because today’s English judges believe that few if any foreign countries—apart from perhaps Sweden and Norway—are likely to give terrorist suspects a fair trial, or able to guarantee that such suspects will be spared torture and abuse.
We have a progressive metropolitan media elite whose primary, reflexive response to every terrorist attack, even before the blood on the pavement is dry, is to express worry about an imminent violent anti-Muslim “backlash” on the part of a presumptively bigoted and ignorant indigenous working class. Never mind that no such “backlash” has yet occurred, not even when the young off-duty soldier Lee Rigby was hacked to death in broad daylight on a South London street in 2013.
Another sign of this lack of seriousness is the choice by successive British governments to deal with the problem of internal terrorism with marketing and “branding.” You can see this in the catchy consultant-created acronyms and pseudo-strategies that are deployed in place of considered thought and action. After every atrocity, the prime minister calls a meeting of the COBRA unit—an acronym that merely stands for Cabinet Office Briefing Room A but sounds like a secret organization of government superheroes. The government’s counterterrorism strategy is called CONTEST, which has four “work streams”: “Prevent,” “Pursue,” “Protect,” and “Prepare.”
Perhaps the ultimate sign of unseriousness is the fact that police, politicians, and government officials have all displayed more fear of being seen as “Islamophobic” than of any carnage that actual terror attacks might cause. Few are aware that this short-term, cowardly, and trivial tendency may ultimately foment genuine, dangerous popular Islamophobia, especially if attacks continue.R
ecently, three murderous Islamist terror attacks in the UK took place in less than a month. The first and third were relatively primitive improvised attacks using vehicles and/or knives. The second was a suicide bombing that probably required relatively sophisticated planning, technological know-how, and the assistance of a terrorist infrastructure. As they were the first such attacks in the UK, the vehicle and knife killings came as a particular shock to the British press, public, and political class, despite the fact that non-explosive and non-firearm terror attacks have become common in Europe and are almost routine in Israel.
The success of all three plots indicates troubling problems in British law-enforcement practice and culture, quite apart from any other failings on the parts of the state in charge of intelligence, border control, and the prevention of radicalization. At the time of writing, the British media have been full of encomia to police courage and skill, not least because it took “only” eight minutes for an armed Metropolitan Police team to respond to and confront the bloody mayhem being wrought by the three Islamist terrorists (who had ploughed their rented van into people on London Bridge before jumping out to attack passersby with knives). But the difficult truth is that all three attacks would be much harder to pull off in Manhattan, not just because all NYPD cops are armed, but also because there are always police officers visibly on patrol at the New York equivalents of London’s Borough Market on a Saturday night. By contrast, London’s Metropolitan police is a largely vehicle-borne, reactive force; rather than use a physical presence to deter crime and terrorism, it chooses to monitor closed-circuit street cameras and social-media postings.
Since the attacks in London and Manchester, we have learned that several of the perpetrators were “known” to the police and security agencies that are tasked with monitoring potential terror threats. That these individuals were nevertheless able to carry out their atrocities is evidence that the monitoring regime is insufficient.
It also seems clear that there were failures on the part of those institutions that come under the leadership of the Home Office and are supposed to be in charge of the UK’s border, migration, and asylum systems. Journalists and think tanks like Policy Exchange and Migration Watch have for years pointed out that these systems are “unfit for purpose,” but successive governments have done little to take responsible control of Britain’s borders. When she was home secretary, Prime Minister Theresa May did little more than jazz up the name, logo, and uniforms of what is now called the “Border Force,” and she notably failed to put in place long-promised passport checks for people flying out of the country. This dereliction means that it is impossible for the British authorities to know who has overstayed a visa or whether individuals who have been denied asylum have actually left the country.
It seems astonishing that Youssef Zaghba, one of the three London Bridge attackers, was allowed back into the country. The Moroccan-born Italian citizen (his mother is Italian) had been arrested by Italian police in Bologna, apparently on his way to Syria via Istanbul to join ISIS. When questioned by the Italians about the ISIS decapitation videos on his mobile phone, he declared that he was “going to be a terrorist.” The Italians lacked sufficient evidence to charge him with a crime but put him under 24-hour surveillance, and when he traveled to London, they passed on information about him to MI5. Nevertheless, he was not stopped or questioned on arrival and had not become one of the 3,000 official terrorism “subjects of interest” for MI5 or the police when he carried out his attack. One reason Zaghba was not questioned on arrival may have been that he used one of the new self-service passport machines installed in UK airports in place of human staff after May’s cuts to the border force. Apparently, the machines are not yet linked to any government watch lists, thanks to the general chaos and ineptitude of the Home Office’s efforts to use information technology.
The presence in the country of Zaghba’s accomplice Rachid Redouane is also an indictment of the incompetence and disorganization of the UK’s border and migration authorities. He had been refused asylum in 2009, but as is so often the case, Britain’s Home Office never got around to removing him. Three years later, he married a British woman and was therefore able to stay in the UK.
But it is the failure of the authorities to monitor ringleader Khuram Butt that is the most baffling. He was a known and open associate of Anjem Choudary, Britain’s most notorious terrorist supporter, ideologue, and recruiter (he was finally imprisoned in 2016 after 15 years of campaigning on behalf of al-Qaeda and ISIS). Butt even appeared in a 2016 TV documentary about ISIS supporters called The Jihadist Next Door. In the same year, he assaulted a moderate imam at a public festival, after calling him a “murtad” or apostate. The imam reported the incident to the police—who took six months to track him down and then let him off with a caution. It is not clear if Butt was one of the 3,000 “subjects of interest” or the additional 20,000 former subjects of interest who continue to be the subject of limited monitoring. If he was not, it raises the question of what a person has to do to get British security services to take him seriously as a terrorist threat; if he was in fact on the list of “subjects of interest,” one has to wonder if being so designated is any barrier at all to carrying out terrorist atrocities. It’s worth remembering, as few do here in the UK, that terrorists who carried out previous attacks were also known to the police and security services and nevertheless enjoyed sufficient liberty to go at it again.B
ut the most important reason for the British state’s ineffectiveness in monitoring terror threats, which May addressed immediately after the London Bridge attack, is a deeply rooted institutional refusal to deal with or accept the key role played by Islamist ideology. For more than 15 years, the security services and police have chosen to take note only of people and bodies that explicitly espouse terrorist violence or have contacts with known terrorist groups. The fact that a person, school, imam, or mosque endorses the establishment of a caliphate, the stoning of adulterers, or the murder of apostates has not been considered a reason to monitor them.
This seems to be why Salman Abedi, the Manchester Arena suicide bomber, was not being watched by the authorities as a terror risk, even though he had punched a girl in the face for wearing a short skirt while at university, had attended the Muslim Brotherhood-controlled Didsbury Mosque, was the son of a Libyan man whose militia is banned in the UK, had himself fought against the Qaddafi regime in Libya, had adopted the Islamist clothing style (trousers worn above the ankle, beard but no moustache), was part of a druggy gang subculture that often feeds individuals into Islamist terrorism, and had been banned from a mosque after confronting an imam who had criticized ISIS.
It was telling that the day after the Manchester Arena suicide-bomb attack, you could hear security officials informing radio and TV audiences of the BBC’s flagship morning-radio news show that it’s almost impossible to predict and stop such attacks because the perpetrators “don’t care who they kill.” They just want to kill as many people as possible, he said.
Surely, anyone with even a basic familiarity with Islamist terror attacks over the last 15 or so years and a nodding acquaintance with Islamist ideology could see that the terrorist hadn’t just chosen the Ariana Grande concert in Manchester Arena because a lot of random people would be crowded into a conveniently small area. Since the Bali bombings of 2002, nightclubs, discotheques, and pop concerts attended by shameless unveiled women and girls have been routinely targeted by fundamentalist terrorists, including in Britain. Among the worrying things about the opinion offered on the radio show was that it suggests that even in the wake of the horrific Bataclan attack in Paris during a November 2015 concert, British authorities may not have been keeping an appropriately protective eye on music venues and other places where our young people hang out in their decadent Western way. Such dereliction would make perfect sense given the resistance on the part of the British security establishment to examining, confronting, or extrapolating from Islamist ideology.
The same phenomenon may explain why authorities did not follow up on community complaints about Abedi. All too often when people living in Britain’s many and diverse Muslim communities want to report suspicious behavior, they have to do so through offices and organizations set up and paid for by the authorities as part of the overall “Prevent” strategy. Although criticized by the left as “Islamophobic” and inherently stigmatizing, Prevent has often brought the government into cooperative relationships with organizations even further to the Islamic right than the Muslim Brotherhood. This means that if you are a relatively secular Libyan émigré who wants to report an Abedi and you go to your local police station, you are likely to find yourself speaking to a bearded Islamist.
From its outset in 2003, the Prevent strategy was flawed. Its practitioners, in their zeal to find and fund key allies in “the Muslim community” (as if there were just one), routinely made alliances with self-appointed community leaders who represented the most extreme and intolerant tendencies in British Islam. Both the Home Office and MI5 seemed to believe that only radical Muslims were “authentic” and would therefore be able to influence young potential terrorists. Moderate, modern, liberal Muslims who are arguably more representative of British Islam as a whole (not to mention sundry Shiites, Sufis, Ahmmadis, and Ismailis) have too often found it hard to get a hearing.
Sunni organizations that openly supported suicide-bomb attacks in Israel and India and that justified attacks on British troops in Iraq and Afghanistan nevertheless received government subsidies as part of Prevent. The hope was that in return, they would alert the authorities if they knew of individuals planning attacks in the UK itself.
It was a gamble reminiscent of British colonial practice in India’s northwest frontier and elsewhere. Not only were there financial inducements in return for grudging cooperation; the British state offered other, symbolically powerful concessions. These included turning a blind eye to certain crimes and antisocial practices such as female genital mutilation (there have been no successful prosecutions relating to the practice, though thousands of cases are reported every year), forced marriage, child marriage, polygamy, the mass removal of girls from school soon after they reach puberty, and the epidemic of racially and religiously motivated “grooming” rapes in cities like Rotherham. (At the same time, foreign jihadists—including men wanted for crimes in Algeria and France—were allowed to remain in the UK as long as their plots did not include British targets.)
This approach, simultaneously cynical and naive, was never as successful as its proponents hoped. Again and again, Muslim chaplains who were approved to work in prisons and other institutions have sometimes turned out to be Islamist extremists whose words have inspired inmates to join terrorist organizations.
Much to his credit, former Prime Minister David Cameron fought hard to change this approach, even though it meant difficult confrontations with his home secretary (Theresa May), as well as police and the intelligence agencies. However, Cameron’s efforts had little effect on the permanent personnel carrying out the Prevent strategy, and cooperation with Islamist but currently nonviolent organizations remains the default setting within the institutions on which the United Kingdom depends for security.
The failure to understand the role of ideology is one of imagination as well as education. Very few of those who make government policy or write about home-grown terrorism seem able to escape the limitations of what used to be called “bourgeois” experience. They assume that anyone willing to become an Islamist terrorist must perforce be materially deprived, or traumatized by the experience of prejudice, or provoked to murderous fury by oppression abroad. They have no sense of the emotional and psychic benefits of joining a secret terror outfit: the excitement and glamor of becoming a kind of Islamic James Bond, bravely defying the forces of an entire modern state. They don’t get how satisfying or empowering the vengeful misogyny of ISIS-style fundamentalism might seem for geeky, frustrated young men. Nor can they appreciate the appeal to the adolescent mind of apocalyptic fantasies of power and sacrifice (mainstream British society does not have much room for warrior dreams, given that its tone is set by liberal pacifists). Finally, they have no sense of why the discipline and self-discipline of fundamentalist Islam might appeal so strongly to incarcerated lumpen youth who have never experienced boundaries or real belonging. Their understanding is an understanding only of themselves, not of the people who want to kill them.
Review of 'White Working Class' By Joan C. Williams
Williams is a prominent feminist legal scholar with degrees from Yale, MIT, and Harvard. Unbending Gender, her best-known book, is the sort of tract you’d expect to find at an intersectionality conference or a Portlandia bookstore. This is why her insightful, empathic book comes as such a surprise.
Books and essays on the topic have accumulated into a highly visible genre since Donald Trump came on the American political scene; J.D. Vance’s Hillbilly Elegy planted itself at the top of bestseller lists almost a year ago and still isn’t budging. As with Vance, Williams’s interest in the topic is personal. She fell “madly in love with” and eventually married a Harvard Law School graduate who had grown up in an Italian neighborhood in pre-gentrification Brook-lyn. Williams, on the other hand, is a “silver-spoon girl.” Her father’s family was moneyed, and her maternal grandfather was a prominent Reform rabbi.
The author’s affection for her “class-migrant” spouse and respect for his family’s hardships—“My father-in-law grew up on blood soup,” she announces in her opening sentence—adds considerable warmth to what is at bottom a political pamphlet. Williams believes that elite condescension and “cluelessness” played a big role in Trump’s unexpected and dreaded victory. Enlightening her fellow elites is essential to the task of returning Trump voters to the progressive fold where, she is sure, they rightfully belong.
Liberals were not always so dense about the working class, Williams observes. WPA murals and movies like On the Waterfront showed genuine fellow feeling for the proletariat. In the 1970s, however, the liberal mood changed. Educated boomers shifted their attention to “issues of peace, equal rights, and environmentalism.” Instead of feeling the pain of Arthur Miller and John Steinbeck characters, they began sneering at the less enlightened. These days, she notes, elite sympathies are limited to the poor, people of color (POC), and the LGBTQ population. Despite clear evidence of suffering—stagnant wages, disappearing manufacturing jobs, declining health and well-being—the working class gets only fly-over snobbery at best and, more often, outright loathing.
Williams divides her chapters into a series of explainers to questions she has heard from her clueless friends and colleagues: “Why Does the Working Class Resent the Poor?” “Why Does the Working Class Resent Professionals but Admire the Rich?” “Why Doesn’t the Working Class Just Move to Where the Jobs Are?” “Is the Working Class Just Racist?” She weaves her answers into a compelling picture of a way of life and worldview foreign to her targeted readers. Working-class Americans have had to struggle for whatever stability and comfort they have, she explains. Clocking in for midnight shifts year after year, enduring capricious bosses, plant closures, and layoffs, they’re reliant on tag-team parenting and stressed-out relatives for child care. The campus go-to word “privileged” seems exactly wrong.
Proud of their own self-sufficiency and success, however modest, they don’t begrudge the self-made rich. It’s snooty professionals and the dysfunctional poor who get their goat. From their vantage point, subsidizing the day care for a welfare mother when they themselves struggle to manage care on their own dime mocks both their hard work and their beliefs. And since, unlike most professors, they shop in the same stores as the dependent poor, they’ve seen that some of them game the system. Of course that stings.
White Working Class is especially good at evoking the alternate economic and mental universe experienced by Professional and Managerial Elites, or “PMEs.” PMEs see their non-judgment of the poor, especially those who are “POC,” as a mark of their mature understanding that we live in an unjust, racist system whose victims require compassion regardless of whether they have committed any crime. At any rate, their passions lie elsewhere. They define themselves through their jobs and professional achievements, hence their obsession with glass ceilings.
Williams tells the story of her husband’s faux pas at a high-school reunion. Forgetting his roots for a moment, the Ivy League–educated lawyer asked one of his Brooklyn classmates a question that is the go-to opener in elite social settings: “What do you do?” Angered by what must have seemed like deliberate humiliation by this prodigal son, the man hissed: “I sell toilets.”
Instead of stability and backyard barbecues with family and long-time neighbors and maybe the occasional Olive Garden celebration, PMEs are enamored of novelty: new foods, new restaurants, new friends, new experiences. The working class chooses to spend its leisure in comfortable familiarity; for the elite, social life is a lot like networking. Members of the professional class may view themselves as sophisticated or cosmopolitan, but, Williams shows, to the blue-collar worker their glad-handing is closer to phony social climbing and their abstract, knowledge-economy jobs more like self-important pencil-pushing.
White Working Class has a number of proposals for creating the progressive future Williams would like to see. She wants to get rid of college-for-all dogma and improve training for middle-skill jobs. She envisions a working-class coalition of all races and ethnicities bolstered by civics education with a “distinctly celebratory view of American institutions.” In a saner political environment, some of this would make sense; indeed, she echoes some of Marco Rubio’s 2016 campaign themes. It’s little wonder White Working Class has already gotten the stink eye from liberal reviewers for its purported sympathies for racists.
Alas, impressive as Williams’s insights are, they do not always allow her to transcend her own class loyalties. Unsurprisingly, her own PME biases mostly come to light in her chapters on race and gender. She reduces immigration concerns to “fear of brown people,” even as she notes elsewhere that a quarter of Latinos also favor a wall at the southern border. This contrasts startlingly with her succinct observation that “if you don’t want to drive working-class whites to be attracted to the likes of Limbaugh, stop insulting them.” In one particularly obtuse moment, she asserts: “Because I study social inequality, I know that even Malia and Sasha Obama will be disadvantaged by race, advantaged as they are by class.” She relies on dubious gender theories to explain why the majority of white women voted for Trump rather than for his unfairly maligned opponent. That Hillary Clinton epitomized every elite quality Williams has just spent more than a hundred pages explicating escapes her notice. Williams’s own reflexive retreat into identity politics is itself emblematic of our toxic divisions, but it does not invalidate the power of this astute book.
When music could not transcend evil
he story of European classical music under the Third Reich is one of the most squalid chapters in the annals of Western culture, a chronicle of collective complaisance that all but beggars belief. Without exception, all of the well-known musicians who left Germany and Austria in protest when Hitler came to power in 1933 were either Jewish or, like the violinist Adolf Busch, Rudolf Serkin’s father-in-law, had close family ties to Jews. Moreover, most of the small number of non-Jewish musicians who emigrated later on, such as Paul Hindemith and Lotte Lehmann, are now known to have done so not out of principle but because they were unable to make satisfactory accommodations with the Nazis. Everyone else—including Karl Böhm, Wilhelm Furtwängler, Walter Gieseking, Herbert von Karajan, and Richard Strauss—stayed behind and served the Reich.
The Berlin and Vienna Philharmonics, then as now Europe’s two greatest orchestras, were just as willing to do business with Hitler and his henchmen, firing their Jewish members and ceasing to perform the music of Jewish composers. Even after the war, the Vienna Philharmonic was notorious for being the most anti-Semitic orchestra in Europe, and it was well known in the music business (though never publicly discussed) that Helmut Wobisch, the orchestra’s principal trumpeter and its executive director from 1953 to 1968, had been both a member of the SS and a Gestapo spy.
The management of the Berlin Philharmonic made no attempt to cover up the orchestra’s close relationship with the Third Reich, no doubt because the Nazi ties of Karajan, who was its music director from 1956 until shortly before his death in 1989, were a matter of public record. Yet it was not until 2007 that a full-length study of its wartime activities, Misha Aster’s The Reich’s Orchestra: The Berlin Philharmonic 1933–1945, was finally published. As for the Vienna Philharmonic, its managers long sought to quash all discussion of the orchestra’s Nazi past, steadfastly refusing to open its institutional archives to scholars until 2008, when Fritz Trümpi, an Austrian scholar, was given access to its records. Five years later, the Viennese, belatedly following the precedent of the Berlin Philharmonic, added a lengthy section to their website called “The Vienna Philharmonic Under National Socialism (1938–1945),” in which the damning findings of Trümpi and two other independent scholars were made available to the public.
Now Trümpi has published The Political Orchestra: The Vienna and Berlin Philharmonics During the Third Reich, in which he tells how they came to terms with Nazism, supplying pre- and postwar historical context for their transgressions.1 Written in a stiff mixture of academic jargon and translatorese, The Political Orchestra is ungratifying to read. Even so, the tale that it tells is both compelling and disturbing, especially to anyone who clings to the belief that high art is ennobling to the spirit.U
nlike the Vienna Philharmonic, which has always doubled as the pit orchestra for the Vienna State Opera, the Berlin Philharmonic started life in 1882 as a fully independent, self-governing entity. Initially unsubsidized by the state, it kept itself afloat by playing a grueling schedule of performances, including “popular” non-subscription concerts for which modest ticket prices were levied. In addition, the orchestra made records and toured internationally at a time when neither was common.
These activities made it possible for the Berlin Philharmonic to develop into an internationally renowned ensemble whose fabled collective virtuosity was widely seen as a symbol of German musical distinction. Furtwängler, the orchestra’s principal conductor, declared in 1932 that the German music in which it specialized was “one of the very few things that actually contribute to elevating [German] prestige.” Hence, he explained, the need for state subsidy, which he saw as “a matter of [national] prestige, that is, to some extent a requirement of national prudence.” By then, though, the orchestra was already heavily subsidized by the city of Berlin, thus paving the way for its takeover by the Nazis.
The Vienna Philharmonic, by contrast, had always been subsidized. Founded in 1842 when the orchestra of what was then the Vienna Court Opera decided to give symphonic concerts on its own, it performed the Austro-German classics for an elite cadre of longtime subscribers. By restricting membership to local players and their pupils, the orchestra cultivated what Furtwängler, who spent as much time conducting in Vienna as in Berlin, described as a “homogeneous and distinct tone quality.” At once dark and sweet, it was as instantly identifiable—and as characteristically Viennese—as the strong, spicy bouquet of a Gewürztraminer wine.
Unlike the Berlin Philharmonic, which played for whoever would pay the tab and programmed new music as a matter of policy, the Vienna Philharmonic chose not to diversify either its haute-bourgeois audience or its conservative repertoire. Instead, it played Beethoven, Brahms, Haydn, Mozart, and Schubert (and, later, Bruckner and Richard Strauss) in Vienna for the Viennese. Starting in the ’20s, the orchestra’s recordings consolidated its reputation as one of the world’s foremost instrumental ensembles, but its internal culture remained proudly insular.
What the two orchestras had in common was a nationalistic ethos, a belief in the superiority of Austro-German musical culture that approached triumphalism. One of the darkest manifestations of this ethos was their shared reluctance to hire Jews. The Berlin Philharmonic employed only four Jewish players in 1933, while the Vienna Philharmonic contained only 11 Jews at the time of the Anschluss, none of whom was hired after 1920. To be sure, such popular Jewish conductors as Otto Klemperer and Bruno Walter continued to work in Vienna for as long as they could. Two months before the Anschluss, Walter led and recorded a performance of the Ninth Symphony of Gustav Mahler, his musical mentor and fellow Jew, who from 1897 to 1907 had been the director of the Vienna Court Opera and one of the Philharmonic’s most admired conductors. But many members of both orchestras were open supporters of fascism, and not a few were anti-Semites who ardently backed Hitler. By 1942, 62 of the 123 active members of the Vienna Philharmonic were Nazi party members.
The admiration that Austro-German classical musicians had for Hitler is not entirely surprising since he was a well-informed music lover who declared in 1938 that “Germany has become the guardian of European culture and civilization.” He made the support of German art, music very much included, a key part of his political program. Accordingly, the Berlin Philharmonic was placed under the direct supervision of Joseph Goebbels, who ensured the cooperation of its members by repeatedly raising their salaries, exempting them from military service, and guaranteeing their old-age pensions. But there had never been any serious question of protest, any more than there would be among the members of the Vienna Philharmonic when the Nazis gobbled up Austria. Save for the Jews and one or two non-Jewish players who were fired for reasons of internal politics, the musicians went along unhesitatingly with Hitler’s desires.
With what did they go along? Above all, they agreed to the scrubbing of Jewish music from their programs and the dismissal of their Jewish colleagues. Some Jewish players managed to escape with their lives, but seven of the Vienna Philharmonic’s 11 Jews were either murdered by the Nazis or died as a direct result of official persecution. In addition, both orchestras performed regularly at official government functions and made tours and other public appearances for propaganda purposes, and both were treated as gems in the diadem of Nazi culture.
As for Furtwängler, the most prominent of the Austro-German orchestral conductors who served the Reich, his relationship to Nazism continues to be debated to this day. He had initially resisted the firing of the Berlin Philharmonic’s Jewish members and protected them for as long as he could. But he was also a committed (if woolly-minded) nationalist who believed that German music had “a different meaning for us Germans than for other nations” and notoriously declared in an open letter to Goebbels that “we all welcome with great joy and gratitude . . . the restoration of our national honor.” Thereafter he cooperated with the Nazis, by all accounts uncomfortably but—it must be said—willingly. A monster of egotism, he saw himself as the greatest living exponent of German music and believed it to be his duty to stay behind and serve a cause higher than what he took to be mere party politics. “Human beings are free wherever Wagner and Beethoven are played, and if they are not free at first, they are freed while listening to these works,” he naively assured a horrified Arturo Toscanini in 1937. “Music transports them to regions where the Gestapo can do them no harm.”O
nce the war was over, the U.S. occupation forces decided to enlist the Berlin Philharmonic in the service of a democratic, anti-Soviet Germany. Furtwängler and Herbert von Karajan, who succeeded him as principal conductor, were officially “de-Nazified” and their orchestra allowed to function largely undisturbed, though six Nazi Party members were fired. The Vienna Philharmonic received similarly privileged treatment.
Needless to say, there was more to this decision than Cold War politics. No one questioned the unique artistic stature of either orchestra. Moreover, the Vienna Philharmonic, precisely because of its insularity, was now seen as a living museum piece, a priceless repository of 19th-century musical tradition. Still, many musicians and listeners, Jews above all, looked askance at both orchestras for years to come, believing them to be tainted by Nazism.
Indeed they were, so much so that they treated many of their surviving Jewish ex-members in a way that can only be described as vicious. In the most blatant individual case, the violinist Szymon Goldberg, who had served as the Berlin Philharmonic’s concertmaster under Furtwängler, was not allowed to reassume his post in 1945 and was subsequently denied a pension. As for the Vienna Philharmonic, the fact that it made Helmut Wobisch its executive director says everything about its deep-seated unwillingness to face up to its collective sins.
Be that as it may, scarcely any prominent musicians chose to boycott either orchestra. Leonard Bernstein went so far as to affect a flippant attitude toward the morally equivocal conduct of the Austro-German artists whom he encountered in Europe after the war. Upon meeting Herbert von Karajan in 1954, he actually told his wife Felicia that he had become “real good friends with von Karajan, whom you would (and will) adore. My first Nazi.”
At the same time, though, Bernstein understood what he was choosing to overlook. When he conducted the Vienna Philharmonic for the first time in 1966, he wrote to his parents:
I am enjoying Vienna enormously—as much as a Jew can. There are so many sad memories here; one deals with so many ex-Nazis (and maybe still Nazis); and you never know if the public that is screaming bravo for you might contain someone who 25 years ago might have shot me dead. But it’s better to forgive, and if possible, forget. The city is so beautiful, and so full of tradition. Everyone here lives for music, especially opera, and I seem to be the new hero.
Did Bernstein sell his soul for the opportunity to work with so justly renowned an orchestra—and did he get his price by insisting that its members perform the symphonies of Mahler, with which he was by then closely identified? It is a fair question, one that does not lend itself to easy answers.
Even more revealing is the case of Bruno Walter, who never forgave Furtwängler for staying behind in Germany, informing him in an angry letter that “your art was used as a conspicuously effective means of propaganda for the regime of the Devil.” Yet Walter’s righteous anger did not stop him from conducting in Vienna after the war. Born in Berlin, he had come to identify with the Philharmonic so closely that it was impossible for him to seriously consider quitting its podium permanently. “Spiritually, I was a Viennese,” he wrote in Theme and Variations, his 1946 autobiography. In 1952, he made a second recording with the Vienna Philharmonic of Mahler’s Das Lied von der Erde, whose premiere he had conducted in 1911 and which he had recorded in Vienna 15 years earlier. One wonders what Walter, who had converted to Christianity but had been driven out of both his native lands for the crime of being Jewish, made of the text of the last movement: “My friend, / On this earth, fortune has not been kind to me! / Where do I go?”
As for the two great orchestras of the Third Reich, both have finally acknowledged their guilt and been forgiven, at least by those who know little of their past. It would occur to no one to decline on principle to perform with either group today. Such a gesture would surely be condemned as morally ostentatious, an exercise in what we now call virtue-signaling. Yet it is impossible to forget what Samuel Lipman wrote in 1993 in Commentary apropos the wartime conduct of Furtwängler: “The ultimate triumph of totalitarianism, I suppose it can be said, is that under its sway only a martyred death can be truly moral.” For the only martyrs of the Berlin and Vienna Philharmonics were their Jews. The orchestras themselves live on, tainted and beloved.
He knows what to reveal and what to conceal, understands the importance of keeping the semblance of distance between oneself and the story of the day, and comprehends the ins and outs of anonymous sourcing. Within days of his being fired by President Trump on May 9, for example, little green men and women, known only as his “associates,” began appearing in the pages of the New York Times and Washington Post to dispute key points of the president’s account of his dismissal and to promote Comey’s theory of the case.
“In a Private Dinner, Trump Demanded Loyalty,” the New York Times reported on May 11. “Comey Demurred.” The story was a straightforward narrative of events from Comey’s perspective, capped with an obligatory denial from the White House. The next day, the Washington Post reported, “Comey associates dispute Trump’s account of conversations.” The Post did not identify Comey’s associates, other than saying that they were “people who have worked with him.”
Maybe they were the same associates who had gabbed to the Times. Or maybe they were different ones. Who can tell? Regardless, the story these particular associates gave to the Post was readable and gripping. Comey, the Post reported, “was wary of private meetings and discussions with the president and did not offer the assurance, as Trump has claimed, that Trump was not under investigation as part of the probe into Russian interference in last year’s election.”
On May 16, Michael S. Schmidt of the Times published his scoop, “Comey Memo Says Trump Asked Him to End Flynn Investigation.” Schmidt didn’t see the memo for himself. Parts of it were read to him by—you guessed it—“one of Mr. Comey’s associates.” The following day, Robert Mueller was appointed special counsel to oversee the Russia investigation. On May 18, the Times, citing “two people briefed” on a call between Comey and the president, reported, “Comey, Unsettled by Trump, Is Said to Have Wanted Him Kept at a Distance.” And by the end of that week, Comey had agreed to testify before the Senate Intelligence Committee.
As his testimony approached, Comey’s people became more aggressive in their criticisms of the president. “Trump Should Be Scared, Comey Friend Says,” read the headline of a CNN interview with Brookings Institution fellow Benjamin Wittes. This “Comey friend” said he was “very shocked” when he learned that President Trump had asked Comey for loyalty. “I have no doubt that he regarded the group of people around the president as dishonorable,” Wittes said.
Comey, Wittes added, was so uncomfortable at the White House reception in January honoring law enforcement—the one where Comey lumbered across the room and Trump whispered something in his ear—that, as CNN paraphrased it, he “stood in a position so that his blue blazer would blend in with the room’s blue drapes in an effort for Trump to not notice him.” The integrity, the courage—can you feel it?
On June 6, the day before Comey’s prepared testimony was released, more “associates” told ABC that the director would “not corroborate Trump’s claim that on three separate occasions Comey told the president he was not under investigation.” And a “source with knowledge of Comey’s testimony” told CNN the same thing. In addition, ABC reported that, according to “a source familiar with Comey’s thinking,” the former director would say that Trump’s actions stopped short of obstruction of justice.
Maybe those sources weren’t as “familiar with Comey’s thinking” as they thought or hoped? To maximize the press coverage he already dominated, Comey had authorized the Senate Intelligence Committee to release his testimony ahead of his personal interview. That testimony told a different story than what had been reported by CNN and ABC (and by the Post on May 12). Comey had in fact told Trump the president was not under investigation—on January 6, January 27, and March 30. Moreover, the word “obstruction” did not appear at all in his written text. The senators asked Comey if he felt Trump obstructed justice. He declined to answer either way.
My guess is that Comey’s associates lacked Comey’s scalpel-like, almost Jesuitical ability to make distinctions, and therefore misunderstood what he was telling them to say to the press. Because it’s obvious Comey was the one behind the stories of Trump’s dishonesty and bad behavior. He admitted as much in front of the cameras in a remarkable exchange with Senator Susan Collins of Maine.
Comey said that, after Trump tweeted on May 12 that he’d better hope there aren’t “tapes” of their conversations, “I asked a friend of mine to share the content of the memo with a reporter. Didn’t do it myself, for a variety of reasons. But I asked him to, because I thought that might prompt the appointment of a special counsel. And so I asked a close friend of mine to do it.”
Collins asked whether that friend had been Wittes, known to cable news junkies as Comey’s bestie. Comey said no. The source for the New York Times article was “a good friend of mine who’s a professor at Columbia Law School,” Daniel Richman.
Every time I watch or read that exchange, I am amazed. Here is the former director of the FBI just flat-out admitting that, for months, he wrote down every interaction he had with the president of the United States because he wanted a written record in case the president ever fired or lied about him. And when the president did fire and lie about him, that director set in motion a series of public disclosures with the intent of not only embarrassing the president, but also forcing the appointment of a special counsel who might end up investigating the president for who knows what. And none of this would have happened if the president had not fired Comey or tweeted about him. He told the Senate that if Trump hadn’t dismissed him, he most likely would still be on the job.
Rarely, in my view, are high officials so transparent in describing how Washington works. Comey revealed to the world that he was keeping a file on his boss, that he used go-betweens to get his story into the press, that “investigative journalism” is often just powerful people handing documents to reporters to further their careers or agendas or even to get revenge. And as long as you maintain some distance from the fallout, and stick to the absolute letter of the law, you will come out on top, so long as you have a small army of nightingales singing to reporters on your behalf.
“It’s the end of the Comey era,” A.B. Stoddard said on Special Report with Bret Baier the other day. On the contrary: I have a feeling that, as the Russia investigation proceeds, we will be hearing much more from Comey. And from his “associates.” And his “friends.” And persons “familiar with his thinking.”
In April, COMMENTARY asked a wide variety of writers,
thinkers, and broadcasters to respond to this question: Is free speech under threat in the United States? We received twenty-seven responses. We publish them here in alphabetical order.
Floyd AbramsFree expression threatened? By Donald Trump? I guess you could say so.
When a president engages in daily denigration of the press, when he characterizes it as the enemy of the people, when he repeatedly says that the libel laws should be “loosened” so he can personally commence more litigation, when he says that journalists shouldn’t be allowed to use confidential sources, it is difficult even to suggest that he has not threatened free speech. And when he says to the head of the FBI (as former FBI director James Comey has said that he did) that Comey should consider “putting reporters in jail for publishing classified information,” it is difficult not to take those threats seriously.
The harder question, though, is this: How real are the threats? Or, as Michael Gerson put it in the Washington Post: Will Trump “go beyond mere Twitter abuse and move against institutions that limit his power?” Some of the president’s threats against the institution of the press, wittingly or not, have been simply preposterous. Surely someone has told him by now that neither he nor Congress can “loosen” libel laws; while each state has its own libel law, there is no federal libel law and thus nothing for him to loosen. What he obviously takes issue with is the impact that the Supreme Court’s 1964 First Amendment opinion in New York Times v. Sullivan has had on state libel laws. The case determined that public officials who sue for libel may not prevail unless they demonstrate that the statements made about them were false and were made with actual knowledge or suspicion of that falsity. So his objection to the rules governing libel law is to nothing less than the application of the First Amendment itself.
In other areas, however, the Trump administration has far more power to imperil free speech. We live under an Espionage Act, adopted a century ago, which is both broad in its language and uncommonly vague in its meaning. As such, it remains a half-open door through which an administration that is hostile to free speech might walk. Such an administration could initiate criminal proceedings against journalists who write about defense- or intelligence-related topics on the basis that classified information was leaked to them by present or former government employees. No such action has ever been commenced against a journalist. Press lawyers and civil-liberties advocates have strong arguments that the law may not be read so broadly and still be consistent with the First Amendment. But the scope of the Espionage Act and the impact of the First Amendment upon its interpretation remain unknown.
A related area in which the attitude of an administration toward the press may affect the latter’s ability to function as a check on government relates to the ability of journalists to protect the identity of their confidential sources. The Obama administration prosecuted more Espionage Act cases against sources of information to journalists than all prior administrations combined. After a good deal of deserved press criticism, it agreed to expand the internal guidelines of the Department of Justice designed to limit the circumstances under which such source revelation is demanded. But the guidelines are none too protective and are, after all, simply guidelines. A new administration is free to change or limit them or, in fact, abandon them altogether. In this area, as in so many others, it is too early to judge the ultimate treatment of free expression by the Trump administration. But the threats are real, and there is good reason to be wary.
Floyd Abrams is the author of The Soul of the First Amendment (Yale University Press, 2017).
Ayaan Hirsi AliFreedom of speech is being threatened in the United States by a nascent culture of hostility to different points of view. As political divisions in America have deepened, a conformist mentality of “right thinking” has spread across the country. Increasingly, American universities, where no intellectual doctrine ought to escape critical scrutiny, are some of the most restrictive domains when it comes to asking open-ended questions on subjects such as Islam.
Legally, speech in the United States is protected to a degree unmatched in almost any industrialized country. The U.S. has avoided unpredictable Canadian-style restrictions on speech, for example. I remain optimistic that as long as we have the First Amendment in the U.S., any attempt at formal legal censorship will be vigorously challenged.
Culturally, however, matters are very different in America. The regressive left is the forerunner threatening free speech on any issue that is important to progressives. The current pressure coming from those who call themselves “social-justice warriors” is unlikely to lead to successful legislation to curb the First Amendment. Instead, censorship is spreading in the cultural realm, particularly at institutions of higher learning.
The way activists of the regressive left achieve silence or censorship is by creating a taboo, and one of the most pernicious taboos in operation today is the word “Islamophobia.” Islamists are similarly motivated to rule any critical scrutiny of Islamic doctrine out of order. There is now a university center (funded by Saudi money) in the U.S. dedicated to monitoring and denouncing incidences of “Islamophobia.”
The term “Islamophobia” is used against critics of political Islam, but also against progressive reformers within Islam. The term implies an irrational fear that is tainted by hatred, and it has had a chilling effect on free speech. In fact, “Islamophobia” is a poorly defined term. Islam is not a race, and it is very often perfectly rational to fear some expressions of Islam. No set of ideas should be beyond critical scrutiny.
To push back in this cultural realm—in our universities, in public discourse—those favoring free speech should focus more on the message of dawa, the set of ideas that the Islamists want to promote. If the aims of dawa are sufficiently exposed, ordinary Americans and Muslim Americans will reject it. The Islamist message is a message of divisiveness, misogyny, and hatred. It’s anachronistic and wants people to live by tribal norms dating from the seventh century. The best antidote to Islamic extremism is the revelation of what its primary objective is: a society governed by Sharia. This is the opposite of censorship: It is documenting reality. What is life like in Saudi Arabia, Iran, the Northern Nigerian States? What is the true nature of Sharia law?
Islamists want to hide the true meaning of Sharia, Jihad, and the implications for women, gays, religious minorities, and infidels under the veil of “Islamophobia.” Islamists use “Islamophobia” to obfuscate their vision and imply that any scrutiny of political Islam is hatred and bigotry. The antidote to this is more exposure and more speech.
As pressure on freedom of speech increases from the regressive left, we must reject the notions that only Muslims can speak about Islam, and that any critical examination of Islamic doctrines is inherently “racist.”
Instead of contorting Western intellectual traditions so as not to offend our Muslim fellow citizens, we need to defend the Muslim dissidents who are risking their lives to promote the human rights we take for granted: equality for women, tolerance of all religions and orientations, our hard-won freedoms of speech and thought.
It is by nurturing and protecting such speech that progressive reforms can emerge within Islam. By accepting the increasingly narrow confines of acceptable discourse on issues such as Islam, we do dissidents and progressive reformers within Islam a grave disservice. For truly progressive reforms within Islam to be possible, full freedom of speech will be required.
Ayaan Hirsi Ali is a research fellow at the Hoover Institution, Stanford University, and the founder of the AHA Foundation.
Lee C. BollingerI know it is too much to expect that political discourse mimic the measured, self-questioning, rational, footnoting standards of the academy, but there is a difference between robust political debate and political debate infected with fear or panic. The latter introduces a state of mind that is visceral and irrational. In the realm of fear, we move beyond the reach of reason and a sense of proportionality. When we fear, we lose the capacity to listen and can become insensitive and mean.
Our Constitution is well aware of this fact about the human mind and of its negative political consequences. In the First Amendment jurisprudence established over the past century, we find many expressions of the problematic state of mind that is produced by fear. Among the most famous and potent is that of Justice Brandeis in Whitney v. California in 1927, one of the many cases involving aggravated fears of subversive threats from abroad. “It is the function of (free) speech,” he said, “to free men from the bondage of irrational fears.” “Men feared witches,” Brandeis continued, “and burned women.”
Today, our “witches” are terrorists, and Brandeis’s metaphorical “women” include the refugees (mostly children) and displaced persons, immigrants, and foreigners whose lives have been thrown into suspension and doubt by policies of exclusion.
The same fears of the foreign that take hold of a population inevitably infect our internal interactions and institutions, yielding suppression of unpopular and dissenting voices, victimization of vulnerable groups, attacks on the media, and the rise of demagoguery, with its disdain for facts, reason, expertise, and tolerance.
All of this poses a very special obligation on those of us within universities. Not only must we make the case in every venue for the values that form the core of who we are and what we do, but we must also live up to our own principles of free inquiry and fearless engagement with all ideas. This is why recent incidents on a handful of college campuses disrupting and effectively censoring speakers is so alarming. Such acts not only betray a basic principle but also inflame a rising prejudice against the academic community, and they feed efforts to delegitimize our work, at the very moment when it’s most needed.
I do not for a second support the view that this generation has an unhealthy aversion to engaging differences of opinion. That is a modern trope of polarization, as is the portrayal of universities as hypocritical about academic freedom and political correctness. But now, in this environment especially, universities must be at the forefront of defending the rights of all students and faculty to listen to controversial voices, to engage disagreeable viewpoints, and to make every effort to demonstrate our commitment to the sort of fearless and spirited debate that we are simultaneously asking of the larger society. Anyone with a voice can shout over a speaker; but being able to listen to and then effectively rebut those with whom we disagree—particularly those who themselves peddle intolerance—is one of the greatest skills our education can bestow. And it is something our democracy desperately needs more of. That is why, I say to you now, if speakers who are being denied access to other campuses come here, I will personally volunteer to introduce them, and listen to them, however much I may disagree with them. But I will also never hesitate to make clear why I disagree with them.
Lee C. Bollinger is the 19th president of Columbia University and the author of Uninhibited, Robust, and Wide-Open: A Free Press for a New Century. This piece has been excerpted from President Bollinger’s May 17 commencement address.
Richard A. Epstein
Today, the greatest threat to the constitutional protection of freedom of speech comes from campus rabble-rousers who invoke this very protection. In their book, the speech of people like Charles Murray and Heather Mac Donald constitutes a form of violence, bordering on genocide, that receives no First Amendment protection. Enlightened protestors are both bound and entitled to shout them down, by force or other disruptive actions, if their universities are so foolish as to extend them an invitation to speak. Any indignant minority may take the law into its own hands to eradicate the intellectual cancer before it spreads on their own campus.
By such tortured logic, a new generation of vigilantes distorts the First Amendment doctrine: Speech becomes violence, and violence becomes heroic acts of self-defense. The standard First Amendment interpretation emphatically rejects that view. Of course, the First Amendment doesn’t let you say what you want when and wherever you want to. Your freedom of speech is subject to the same limitations as your freedom of action. So you have no constitutional license to assault other people, to lie to them, or to form cartels to bilk them in the marketplace. But folks such as Murray, Mac Donald, and even Yiannopoulos do not come close to crossing into that forbidden territory. They are not using, for example, “fighting words,” rightly limited to words or actions calculated to provoke immediate aggression against a known target. Fighting words are worlds apart from speech that provokes a negative reaction in those who find your speech offensive solely because of the content of its message.
This distinction is central to the First Amendment. Fighting words have to be blocked by well-tailored criminal and civil sanctions lest some people gain license to intimidate others from speaking or peaceably assembling. The remedy for mere offense is to speak one’s mind in response. But it never gives anyone the right to block the speech of others, lest everyone be able to unilaterally increase his sphere of action by getting really angry about the beliefs of others. No one has the right to silence others by working himself into a fit of rage.
Obviously, it is intolerable to let mutual animosity generate factional warfare, whereby everyone can use force to silence rivals. To avoid this war of all against all, each side claims that only its actions are privileged. These selective claims quickly degenerate into a form of viewpoint discrimination, which undermines one of the central protections that traditional First Amendment law erects: a wall against each and every group out to destroy the level playing field on which robust political debate rests. Every group should be at risk for having its message fall flat. The new campus radicals want to upend that understanding by shutting down their adversaries if their universities do not. Their aggression must be met, if necessary, by counterforce. Silence in the face of aggression is not an acceptable alternative.
Richard A. Epstein is the Laurence A. Tisch Professor of Law at the New York University School of Law.
David FrenchWe’re living in the midst of a troubling paradox. At the exact same time that First Amendment jurisprudence has arguably never been stronger and more protective of free expression, millions of Americans feel they simply can’t speak freely. Indeed, talk to Americans living and working in the deep-blue confines of the academy, Hollywood, and the tech sector, and you’ll get a sense of palpable fear. They’ll explain that they can’t say what they think and keep their jobs, their friends, and sometimes even their families.
The government isn’t cracking down or censoring; instead, Americans are using free speech to destroy free speech. For example, a social-media shaming campaign is an act of free speech. So is an economic boycott. So is turning one’s back on a public speaker. So is a private corporation firing a dissenting employee for purely political reasons. Each of these actions is largely protected from government interference, and each one represents an expression of the speaker’s ideas and values.
The problem, however, is obvious. The goal of each of these kinds of actions isn’t to persuade; it’s to intimidate. The goal isn’t to foster dialogue but to coerce conformity. The result is a marketplace of ideas that has been emptied of all but the approved ideological vendors—at least in those communities that are dominated by online thugs and corporate bullies. Indeed, this mindset has become so prevalent that in places such as Portland, Berkeley, Middlebury, and elsewhere, the bullies and thugs have crossed the line from protected—albeit abusive—speech into outright shout-downs and mob violence.
But there’s something else going on, something that’s insidious in its own way. While politically correct shaming still has great power in deep-blue America, its effect in the rest of the country is to trigger a furious backlash, one characterized less by a desire for dialogue and discourse than by its own rage and scorn. So we’re moving toward two Americas—one that ruthlessly (and occasionally illegally) suppresses dissenting speech and the other that is dangerously close to believing that the opposite of political correctness isn’t a fearless expression of truth but rather the fearless expression of ideas best calculated to enrage your opponents.
The result is a partisan feedback loop where right-wing rage spurs left-wing censorship, which spurs even more right-wing rage. For one side, a true free-speech culture is a threat to feelings, sensitivities, and social justice. The other side waves high the banner of “free speech” to sometimes elevate the worst voices to the highest platforms—not so much to protect the First Amendment as to infuriate the hated “snowflakes” and trigger the most hysterical overreactions.
The culturally sustainable argument for free speech is something else entirely. It reminds the cultural left of its own debt to free speech while reminding the political right that a movement allegedly centered around constitutional values can’t abandon the concept of ordered liberty. The culture of free speech thrives when all sides remember their moral responsibilities—to both protect the right of dissent and to engage in ideological combat with a measure of grace and humility.
David French is a senior writer at National Review.
Pamela GellerThe real question isn’t whether free speech is under threat in the United States, but rather, whether it’s irretrievably lost. Can we get it back? Not without war, I suspect, as is evidenced by the violence at colleges whenever there’s the shamefully rare event of a conservative speaker on campus.
Free speech is the soul of our nation and the foundation of all our other freedoms. If we can’t speak out against injustice and evil, those forces will prevail. Freedom of speech is the foundation of a free society. Without it, a tyrant can wreak havoc unopposed, while his opponents are silenced.
With that principle in mind, I organized a free-speech event in Garland, Texas. The world had recently been rocked by the murder of the Charlie Hebdo cartoonists. My version of “Je Suis Charlie” was an event here in America to show that we can still speak freely and draw whatever we like in the Land of the Free. Yet even after jihadists attacked our event, I was blamed—by Donald Trump among others—for provoking Muslims. And if I tried to hold a similar event now, no arena in the country would allow me to do so—not just because of the security risk, but because of the moral cowardice of all intellectual appeasers.
Under what law is it wrong to depict Muhammad? Under Islamic law. But I am not a Muslim, I don’t live under Sharia. America isn’t under Islamic law, yet for standing for free speech, I’ve been:
- Prevented from running our advertisements in every major city in this country. We have won free-speech lawsuits all over the country, which officials circumvent by prohibiting all political ads (while making exceptions for ads from Muslim advocacy groups);
- Shunned by the right, shut out of the Conservative Political Action Conference;
- Shunned by Jewish groups at the behest of terror-linked groups such as the Council on American-Islamic Relations;
- Blacklisted from speaking at universities;
- Prevented from publishing books, for security reasons and because publishers fear shaming from the left;
- Banned from Britain.
A Seattle court accused me of trying to shut down free speech after we merely tried to run an FBI poster on global terrorism, because authorities had banned all political ads in other cities to avoid running ours. Seattle blamed us for that, which was like blaming a woman for being raped because she was wearing a short skirt.
This kind of vilification and shunning is key to the left’s plan to shut down all dissent from its agenda—they make legislation restricting speech unnecessary.
The same refusal to allow our point of view to be heard has manifested itself elsewhere. The foundation of my work is individual rights and equality for all before the law. These are the foundational principles of our constitutional republic. That is now considered controversial. Truth is the new hate speech. Truth is going to be criminalized.
The First Amendment doesn’t only protect ideas that are sanctioned by the cultural and political elites. If “hate speech” laws are enacted, who would decide what’s permissible and what’s forbidden? The government? The gunmen in Garland?
There has been an inversion of the founding premise of this nation. No longer is it the subordination of might to right, but right to might. History is repeatedly deformed with the bloody consequences of this transition.
Pamela Geller is the editor in chief of the Geller Report and president of the American Freedom Defense Initiative.
Jonah GoldbergOf course free speech is under threat in America. Frankly, it’s always under threat in America because it’s always under threat everywhere. Ronald Reagan was right when he said in 1961, “Freedom is never more than one generation away from extinction. We didn’t pass it on to our children in the bloodstream. It must be fought for, protected, and handed on for them to do the same.”
This is more than political boilerplate. Reagan identified the source of the threat: human nature. God may have endowed us with a right to liberty, but he didn’t give us all a taste for it. As with most finer things, we must work to acquire a taste for it. That is what civilization—or at least our civilization—is supposed to do: cultivate attachments to certain ideals. “Cultivate” shares the same Latin root as “culture,” cultus, and properly understood they mean the same thing: to grow, nurture, and sustain through labor.
In the past, threats to free speech have taken many forms—nationalist passion, Comstockery (both good and bad), political suppression, etc.—but the threat to free speech today is different. It is less top-down and more bottom-up. We are cultivating a generation of young people to reject free speech as an important value.
One could mark the beginning of the self-esteem movement with Nathaniel Branden’s 1969 paper, “The Psychology of Self-Esteem,” which claimed that “feelings of self-esteem were the key to success in life.” This understandable idea ran amok in our schools and in our culture. When I was a kid, Saturday-morning cartoons were punctuated with public-service announcements telling kids: “The most important person in the whole wide world is you, and you hardly even know you!”
The self-esteem craze was just part of the cocktail of educational fads. Other ingredients included multiculturalism, the anti-bullying crusade, and, of course, that broad phenomenon known as “political correctness.” Combined, they’ve produced a generation that rejects the old adage “sticks and stones can break my bones but words can never harm me” in favor of the notion that “words hurt.” What we call political correctness has been on college campuses for decades. But it lacked a critical mass of young people who were sufficiently receptive to it to make it a fully successful ideology. The campus commissars welcomed the new “snowflakes” with open arms; truly, these are the ones we’ve been waiting for.
“Words hurt” is a fashionable concept in psychology today. (See Psychology Today: “Why Words Can Hurt at Least as Much as Sticks and Stones.”) But it’s actually a much older idea than the “sticks and stones” aphorism. For most of human history, it was a crime to say insulting or “injurious” things about aristocrats, rulers, the Church, etc. That tendency didn’t evaporate with the Divine Right of Kings. Jonathan Haidt has written at book length about our natural capacity to create zones of sanctity, immune from reason.
And that is the threat free speech faces today. Those who inveigh against “hate speech” are in reality fighting “heresy speech”—ideas that do “violence” to sacred notions of self-esteem, racial or gender equality, climate change, and so on. Put whatever label you want on it, contemporary “social justice” progressivism acts as a religion, and it has no patience for blasphemy.
When Napoleon’s forces converted churches into stables, the clergy did not object on the grounds that regulations regarding the proper care and feeding of animals had been violated. They complained of sacrilege and blasphemy. When Charles Murray or Christina Hoff Summers visits college campuses, the protestors are behaving like the zealous acolytes of St. Jerome. Appeals to the First Amendment have as much power over the “antifa” fanatics as appeals to Odin did to champions of the New Faith.
That is the real threat to free speech today.
Jonah Goldberg is a senior editor at National Review and a fellow at the American Enterprise Institute.
KC JohnsonIn early May, the Washington Post urged universities to make clear that “racist signs, symbols, and speech are off-limits.” Given the extraordinarily broad definition of what constitutes “racist” speech at most institutions of higher education, this demand would single out most right-of-center (and, in some cases, even centrist and liberal) discourse on issues of race or ethnicity. The editorial provided the highest-profile example of how hostility to free speech, once confined to the ideological fringe on campus, has migrated to the liberal mainstream.
The last few years have seen periodic college protests—featuring claims that significant amounts of political speech constitute “violence,” thereby justifying censorship—followed by even more troubling attempts to appease the protesters. After the mob scene that greeted Charles Murray upon his visit to Middlebury College, for instance, the student government criticized any punishment for the protesters, and several student leaders wanted to require that future speakers conform to the college’s “community standard” on issues of race, gender, and ethnicity. In the last few months, similar attempts to stifle the free exchange of ideas in the name of promoting diversity occurred at Wesleyan, Claremont McKenna, and Duke. Offering an extreme interpretation of this point of view, one CUNY professor recently dismissed dialogue as “inherently conservative,” since it reinforced the “relations of power that presently exist.”
It’s easy, of course, to dismiss campus hostility to free speech as affecting only a small segment of American public life—albeit one that trains the next generation of judges, legislators, and voters. But, as Jonathan Chait observed in 2015, denying “the legitimacy of political pluralism on issues of race and gender” has broad appeal on the left. It is only most apparent on campus because “the academy is one of the few bastions of American life where the political left can muster the strength to impose its political hegemony upon others.” During his time in office, Barack Obama generally urged fellow liberals to support open intellectual debate. But the current campus environment previews the position of free speech in a post-Obama Democratic Party, increasingly oriented around identity politics.
Waning support on one end of the ideological spectrum for this bedrock American principle should provide a political opening for the other side. The Trump administration, however, seems poorly suited to make the case. Throughout his public career, Trump has rarely supported free speech, even in the abstract, and has periodically embraced legal changes to facilitate libel lawsuits. Moreover, the right-wing populism that motivates Trump’s base has a long tradition of ideological hostility to civil liberties of all types. Even in campus contexts, conservatives have defended free speech inconsistently, as seen in recent calls that CUNY disinvite anti-Zionist fanatic Linda Sarsour as a commencement speaker.
In a sharply polarized political environment, awash in dubiously-sourced information, free speech is all the more important. Yet this same environment has seen both sides, most blatantly elements of the left on campuses, demand restrictions on their ideological foes’ free speech in the name of promoting a greater good.
KC Johnson is a professor of history at Brooklyn College and the CUNY Graduate Center.
Laura KipnisI find myself with a strange-bedfellows problem lately. Here I am, a left-wing feminist professor invited onto the pages of Commentary—though I’d be thrilled if it were still 1959—while fielding speaking requests from right-wing think tanks and libertarians who oppose child-labor laws.
Somehow I’ve ended up in the middle of the free-speech-on-campus debate. My initial crime was publishing a somewhat contentious essay about campus sexual paranoia that put me on the receiving end of Title IX complaints. Apparently I’d created a “hostile environment” at my university. I was investigated (for 72 days). Then I wrote up what I’d learned about these campus inquisitions in a second essay. Then I wrote about it all some more, in a book exposing the kangaroo-court elements of the Title IX process—and the extra-legal gag orders imposed on everyone caught in its widening snare.
I can’t really comment on whether more charges have been filed against me over the book. I’ll just say that writing about being a Title IX respondent could easily become a life’s work. I learned, shortly after writing this piece, that I and my publisher were being sued for defamation, among other things.
Is free speech under threat on American campuses? Yes. We know all about student activists who wish to shut down talks by people with opposing views. I got smeared with a bit of that myself, after a speaking invitation at Wellesley—some students made a video protesting my visit before I arrived. The talk went fine, though a group of concerned faculty circulated an open letter afterward also protesting the invitation: My views on sexual politics were too heretical, and might have offended students.
I didn’t take any of this too seriously, even as right-wing pundits crowed, with Wellesley as their latest outrage bait. It was another opportunity to mock student activists, and the fact that I was myself a feminist rather than a Charles Murray or a Milo Yiannopoulos, made them positively gleeful.
I do find myself wondering where all my new free-speech pals were when another left-wing professor, Steven Salaita, was fired (or if you prefer euphemism, “his job offer was withdrawn”) from the University of Illinois after he tweeted criticism of Israel’s Gaza policy. Sure the tweets were hyperbolic, but hyperbole and strong opinions are protected speech, too.
I guess free speech is easy to celebrate until it actually challenges something. Funny, I haven’t seen Milo around lately—so beloved by my new friends when he was bashing minorities and transgender kids. Then he mistakenly said something authentic (who knew he was capable of it!), reminiscing about an experience a lot of gay men have shared: teenage sex with older men. He tried walking it back—no, no, he’d been a victim, not a participant—but his fan base was shrieking about pedophilia and fleeing in droves. Gee, they were all so against “political correctness” a few minutes before.
It’s easy to be a free-speech fan when your feathers aren’t being ruffled. No doubt what makes me palatable to the anti-PC crowd is having thus far failed to ruffle them enough. I’m just going to have to work harder.
Laura Kipnis’s latest book is Unwanted Advances: Sexual Paranoia Comes to Campus.
Eugene KontorovichThe free and open exchange of views—especially politically conservative or traditionally religious ones—is being challenged. This is taking place not just at college campuses but throughout our public spaces and cultural institutions. James Watson was fired from the lab he led since 1968 and could not speak at New York University because of petty, censorious students who would not know DNA from LSD. Our nation’s founders and heroes are being “disappeared” from public commemoration, like Trotsky from a photograph of Soviet rulers.
These attacks on “free speech” are not the result of government action. They are not what the First Amendment protects against. The current methods—professional and social shaming, exclusion, and employment termination—are more inchoate, and their effects are multiplied by self-censorship. A young conservative legal scholar might find himself thinking: “If the late Justice Antonin Scalia can posthumously be deemed a ‘bigot’ by many academics, what chance have I?”
Ironically, artists and intellectuals have long prided themselves on being the first defenders of free speech. Today, it is the institutions of both popular and high culture that are the censors. Is there one poet in the country who would speak out for Ann Coulter?
The inhibition of speech at universities is part of a broader social phenomenon of making longstanding, traditional views and practices sinful overnight. Conservatives have not put up much resistance to this. To paraphrase Martin Niemöller’s famous dictum: “First they came for Robert E. Lee, and I said nothing, because Robert E. Lee meant nothing to me.”
The situation with respect to Israel and expressions of support for it deserves separate discussion. Even as university administrators give political power to favored ideologies by letting them create “safe spaces” (safe from opposing views), Jews find themselves and their state at the receiving end of claims of apartheid—modern day blood libels. It is not surprising if Jewish students react by demanding that they get a safe space of their own. It is even less surprising if their parents, paying $65,000 a year, want their children to have a nicer time of it. One hears Jewish groups frequently express concern about Jewish students feeling increasingly isolated and uncomfortable on campus.
But demanding selective protection from the new ideological commissars is unlikely to bring the desired results. First, this new ideology, even if it can be harnessed momentarily to give respite to harassed Jews on campus, is ultimately illiberal and will be controlled by “progressive” forces. Second, it is not so terrible for Jews in the Diaspora to feel a bit uncomfortable. It has been the common condition of Jews throughout the millennia. The social awkwardness that Jews at liberal arts schools might feel in being associated with Israel is of course one of the primary justifications for the Jewish State. Facing the snowflakes incapable of hearing a dissonant view—but who nonetheless, in the grip of intersectional ecstasy, revile Jewish self-determination—Jewish students should toughen up.
Eugene Kontorovich teaches constitutional law at Northwestern University and heads the international law department of the Kohelet Policy Forum in Jerusalem.
Nicholas LemannThere’s an old Tom Wolfe essay in which he describes being on a panel discussion at Princeton in 1965 and provoking the other panelists by announcing that America, rather than being in crisis, is in the middle of a “happiness explosion.” He was arguing that the mass effects of 20 years of post–World War II prosperity made for a larger phenomenon than the Vietnam War, the racial crisis, and the other primary concerns of intellectuals at the time.
In the same spirit, I’d say that we are in the middle of a free-speech explosion, because of 20-plus years of the Internet and 10-plus years of social media. If one understands speech as disseminated individual opinion, then surely we live in the free-speech-est society in the history of the world. Anybody with access to the unimpeded World Wide Web can say anything to a global audience, and anybody can hear anything, too. All threats to free speech should be understood in the context of this overwhelmingly reality.
It is a comforting fantasy that a genuine free-speech regime will empower mainly “good,” but previously repressed, speech. Conversely, repressive regimes that are candid enough to explain their anti-free-speech policies usually say that they’re not against free speech, just “bad” speech. We have to accept that more free speech probably means, in the aggregate, more bad speech, and also a weakening of the power, authority, and economic support for information professionals such as journalists. Welcome to the United States in 2017.
I am lucky enough to live and work on the campus of a university, Columbia, that has been blessedly free of successful attempts to repress free speech. Just in the last few weeks, Charles Murray and Dinesh D’Souza have spoken here without incident. But, yes, the evidently growing popularity of the idea that “hate speech” shouldn’t be permitted on campuses is a problem, especially, it seems, at small private liberal-arts colleges. We should all do our part, and I do, by frequently and publicly endorsing free-speech principles. Opposing the BDS movement falls squarely into that category.
It’s not just on campuses that free-speech vigilance is needed, though. The number-one threat to free speech, to my mind, is that the wide-open Web has been replaced by privately owned platforms such as Facebook and Google as the way most people experience the public life of the Internet. These companies are committed to banning “hate speech,” and they are eager to operate freely in countries, like China, that don’t permit free political speech. That makes for a far more consequential constrained environment than any campus’s speech code.
Also, Donald Trump regularly engages in presidentially unprecedented rhetoric demonizing people who disagree with him. He seems to think this is all in good fun, but, as we have already seen at his rallies, not everybody hears it that way. The place where Trumpism will endanger free speech isn’t in the center—the White House press room—but at the periphery, for example in the way that local police handle bumptious protestors and the journalists covering them. This is already happening around the country. If Trump were as disciplined and knowledgeable as Vladimir Putin or Recep Tayyip Erdogan, which so far he seems not to be, then free speech could be in even more serious danger from government, which in most places is its usual main enemy.
Nicholas Lemann is a professor at Columbia Journalism School and a staff writer for the New Yorker.
Michael J. LewisFree speech is a right but it is also a habit, and where the habit shrivels so will the right. If free speech today is in headlong retreat—everywhere threatened by regulation, organized harassment, and even violence—it is in part because our political culture allowed the practice of persuasive oratory to atrophy. The process began in 1973, an unforeseen side effect of Roe v. Wade. Legislators were delighted to learn that by relegating this divisive matter of public policy to the Supreme Court and adopting a merely symbolic position, they could sit all the more safely in their safe seats.
Since then, one crucial question of public policy after another has been punted out of the realm of politics and into the judicial. Issues that might have been debated with all the rhetorical agility of a Lincoln and a Douglas, and then subjected to a process of negotiation, compromise, and voting, have instead been settled by decree: e.g., Chevron, Kelo, Obergefell. The consequences for speech have been pernicious. Since the time of Pericles, deliberative democracy has been predicated on the art of persuasion, which demands the forceful clarity of thought and expression without which no one has ever been persuaded. But a legislature that relegates its authority to judges and regulators will awaken to discover its oratorical culture has been stunted. When politicians, rather than seeking to convince and win over, prefer to project a studied and pleasant vagueness, debate withers into tedious defensive performance. It has been decades since any presidential debate has seen any sustained give and take over a matter of policy. If there is any suspense at all, it is only the possibility that a fatigued or peeved candidate might blurt out that tactless shard of truth known as a gaffe.
A generation accustomed to hearing platitudes smoothly dispensed from behind a teleprompter will find the speech of a fearless extemporaneous speaker to be startling, even disquieting; unfamiliar ideas always are. Unhappily, they have been taught to interpret that disquiet as an injury done to them, rather than as a premise offered to them to consider. All this would not have happened—certainly not to this extent—had not our deliberative democracy decided a generation ago that it preferred the security of incumbency to the risks of unshackled debate. The compulsory contraction of free speech on college campuses is but the logical extension of the voluntary contraction of free speech in our political culture.
Michael J. Lewis’s new book is City of Refuge: Separatists and Utopian Town Planning (Princeton University Press).
Heather Mac DonaldThe answer to the symposium question depends on how powerful the transmission belt is between academia and the rest of the country. On college campuses, violence and brute force are silencing speakers who challenge left-wing campus orthodoxies. These totalitarian outbreaks have been met with listless denunciations by college presidents, followed by . . . virtually nothing. As of mid-May, the only discipline imposed for 2017’s mass attacks on free speech at UC Berkeley, Middlebury, and Clare-mont McKenna College was a letter of reprimand inserted—sometimes only temporarily—into the files of several dozen Middlebury students, accompanied by a brief period of probation. Previous outbreaks of narcis-sistic incivility, such as the screaming-girl fit at Yale and the assaults on attendees of Yale’s Buckley program, were discreetly ignored by college administrators.
Meanwhile, the professoriate unapologetically defends censorship and violence. After the February 1 riot in Berkeley to prevent Milo Yiannapoulos from speaking, Déborah Blocker, associate professor of French at UC Berkeley, praised the rioters. They were “very well-organized and very efficient,” Blocker reported admiringly to her fellow professors. “They attacked property but they attacked it very sparingly, destroying just enough University property to obtain the cancellation order for the MY event and making sure no one in the crowd got hurt” (emphasis in original). (In fact, perceived Milo and Donald Trump supporters were sucker-punched and maced; businesses downtown were torched and vandalized.) New York University’s vice provost for faculty, arts, humanities, and diversity, Ulrich Baer, displayed Orwellian logic by claiming in a New York Times op-ed that shutting down speech “should be understood as an attempt to ensure the conditions of free speech for a greater group of people.”
Will non-academic institutions take up this zeal for outright censorship? Other ideological products of the left-wing academy have been fully absorbed and operationalized. Racial victimology, which drives much of the campus censorship, is now standard in government and business. Corporate diversity trainers counsel that bias is responsible for any lack of proportional racial representation in the corporate ranks. Racial disparities in school discipline and incarceration are universally attributed to racism rather than to behavior. Public figures have lost jobs for violating politically correct taboos.
Yet Americans possess an instinctive commitment to the First Amendment. Federal judges, hardly an extension of the Federalist Society, have overwhelmingly struck down campus speech codes. It is hard to imagine that they would be any more tolerant of the hate-speech legislation so prevalent in Europe. So the question becomes: At what point does the pressure to conform to the elite worldview curtail freedom of thought and expression, even without explicit bans on speech?
Social stigma against conservative viewpoints is not the same as actual censorship. But the line can blur. The Obama administration used regulatory power to impose a behavioral conformity on public and private entities. School administrators may have technically still possessed the right to dissent from novel theories of gender, but they had to behave as if they were fully on board with the transgender revolution when it came to allowing boys to use girls’ bathrooms and locker rooms.
Had Hillary Clinton had been elected president, the federal bureaucracy would have mimicked campus diversocrats with even greater zeal. That threat, at least, has been avoided. Heresies against left-wing dogma may still enter the public arena, if only by the back door. The mainstream media have lurched even further left in the Trump era, but the conservative media, however mocked and marginalized, are expanding (though Twitter and Facebook’s censorship of conservative speakers could be a harbinger of more official silencing).
Outside the academy, free speech is still legally protected, but its exercise requires ever greater determination.
Heather Mac Donald is a fellow at the Manhattan Institute and the author of The War on Cops.
John McWhorterThere is a certain mendacity, as Brick put it in Cat on a Hot Tin Roof, in our discussion of free speech on college campuses. Namely, none of us genuinely wish that absolutely all issues be aired in the name of education and open-mindedness. To insist so is to pretend that civilized humanity makes nothing we could call advancement in philosophical consensus.
I doubt we need “free speech” on issues such as whether slavery and genocide are okay, whether it has been a mistake to view women as men’s equals, or to banish as antique the idea that whites are a master race while other peoples represent a lower rung on the Darwinian scale. With all due reverence of John Stuart Mill’s advocacy for the regular airing of even noxious views in order to reinforce clarity on why they were rejected, we are also human beings with limited time. A commitment to the Enlightenment justifiably will decree that certain views are, indeed, no longer in need of discussion.
However, our modern social-justice warriors are claiming that this no-fly zone of discussion is vaster than any conception of logic or morality justifies. We are being told that questions regarding the modern proposals about cultural appropriation, about whether even passing infelicitous statements constitute racism in the way that formalized segregation and racist disparagement did, or about whether social disparities can be due to cultural legacies rather than structural impediments, are as indisputably egregious, backwards, and abusive as the benighted views of the increasingly distant past.
That is, the new idea is not only that discrimination and inequality still exist, but that to even question the left’s utopian expectation on such matters justifies the same furious, sloganistic and even physically violent resistance that was once levelled against those designated heretics by a Christian hegemony.
Of course the protesters in question do not recognize themselves in a portrait as opponents of something called heresy. They suppose that Galileo’s opponents were clearly wrong but that they, today, are actually correct in a way that no intellectual or moral argument could coherently deny.
As such, we have students allowed to decree college campuses as “racist” when they are the least racist spaces on the planet—because they are, predictably given the imperfection of humans, not perfectly free of passingly unsavory interactions. Thinkers invited to talk for a portion of an hour from the right rather than the left and then have dinner with a few people and fly home are treated as if they were reanimated Hitlers. The student of color who hears a few white students venturing polite questions about the leftist orthodoxy is supported in fashioning these questions as “racist” rhetoric.
The people on college campuses who openly and aggressively spout this new version of Christian (or even Islamist) crusading—ironically justifying it as a barricade against “fascist” muzzling of freedom when the term applies ominously well to the regime they are fostering—are a minority. However, the sawmill spinning blade of their rhetoric has succeeding in rendering opposition as risky as espousing pedophilia, such that only those natively open to violent criticism dare speak out. The latter group is small. The campus consensus thereby becomes, if only at moralistic gunpoint à la the ISIS victim video, a strangled hard-leftism.
Hence freedom of speech is indeed threatened on today’s college campuses. I have lost count of how many of my students, despite being liberal Democrats (many of whom sobbed at Hillary Clinton’s loss last November), have told me that they are afraid to express their opinions about issues that matter, despite the fact that their opinions are ones that any liberal or even leftist person circa 1960 would have considered perfectly acceptable.
Something has shifted of late, and not in a direction we can legitimately consider forwards.
John McWhorter teaches linguistics, philosophy, and music history at Columbia University and is the author of The Language Hoax, Words on the Move, and Talking Back, Talking Black.
Kate Bachelder OdellIt’s 2021, and Harvard Square has devolved into riots: Some 120 people are injured in protests, and the carnage includes fire-consumed cop cars and smashed-in windows. The police discharge canisters of tear gas, and, after apprehending dozens of protesters, enforce a 1:45 A.M. curfew. Anyone roaming the streets after hours is subject to arrest. About 2,000 National Guardsmen are prepared to intervene. Such violence and disorder is also roiling Berkeley and other elite and educated areas.
Oh, that’s 1970. The details are from the Harvard Crimson’s account of “anti-war” riots that spring. The episode is instructive in considering whether free speech is under threat in the United States. Almost daily, there’s a new YouTube installment of students melting down over viewpoints of speakers invited to one campus or another. Even amid speech threats from government—for example, the IRS’s targeting of political opponents—nothing has captured the public’s attention like the end of free expression at America’s institutions of higher learning.
Yet disruption, confusion, and even violence are not new campus phenomena. And it’s hard to imagine that young adults who deployed brute force in the 1960s and ’70s were deeply committed to the open and peaceful exchange of ideas.
There may also be reason for optimism. The rough and tumble on campus in the 1960s and ’70s produced a more even-tempered ’80s and ’90s, and colleges are probably heading for another course correction. In covering the ruckuses at Yale, Missouri, and elsewhere, I’ve talked to professors and students who are figuring out how to respond to the illiberalism, even if the reaction is delayed. The University of Chicago put out a set of free-speech principles last year, and others schools such as Princeton and Purdue have endorsed them.
The NARPs—Non-Athletic Regular People, as they are sometimes known on campus—still outnumber the social-justice warriors, who appear to be overplaying their hand. Case in point is the University of Missouri, which experienced a precipitous drop in enrollment after instructor Melissa Click and her ilk stoked racial tensions last spring. The college has closed dorms and trimmed budgets. Which brings us to another silver lining: The economic model of higher education (exorbitant tuition to pay ever more administrators) may blow up traditional college before the fascists can.
Note also that the anti-speech movement is run by rich kids. A Brookings Institution analysis from earlier this year discovered that “the average enrollee at a college where students have attempted to restrict free speech comes from a family with an annual income $32,000 higher than that of the average student in America.” Few rank higher in average income than those at Middlebury College, where students evicted scholar Charles Murray in a particularly ugly scene. (The report notes that Murray was received respectfully at Saint Louis University, “where the median income of students’ families is half Middlebury’s.”) The impulses of over-adulated 20-year-olds may soon be tempered by the tyranny of having to show up for work on a daily basis.
None of this is to suggest that free speech is enjoying some renaissance either on campus or in America. But perhaps as the late Wall Street Journal editorial-page editor Robert Bartley put it in his valedictory address: “Things could be worse. Indeed, they have been worse.”
Kate Bachelder Odell is an editorial writer for the Wall Street Journal.
Jonathan RauchIs free speech under threat? The one-syllable answer is “yes.” The three-syllable answer is: “Yes, of course.” Free speech is always under threat, because it is not only the single most successful social idea in all of human history, it is also the single most counterintuitive. “You mean to say that speech that is offensive, untruthful, malicious, seditious, antisocial, blasphemous, heretical, misguided, or all of the above deserves government protection?” That seemingly bizarre proposition is defensible only on the grounds that the marketplace of ideas turns out to be the most powerful engine of knowledge, prosperity, liberty, social peace, and moral advancement that our species has had the good fortune to discover.
Every new generation of free-speech advocates will need to get up every morning and re-explain the case for free speech and open inquiry—today, tomorrow, and forever. That is our lot in life, and we just need to be cheerful about it. At discouraging moments, it is helpful to remember that the country has made great strides toward free speech since 1798, when the Adams administration arrested and jailed its political critics; and since the 1920s, when the U.S. government banned and burned James Joyce’s great novel Ulysses; and since 1954, when the government banned ONE, a pioneering gay journal. (The cover article was a critique of the government’s indecency censors, who censored it.) None of those things could happen today.
I suppose, then, the interesting question is: What kind of threat is free speech under today? In the present age, direct censorship by government bodies is rare. Instead, two more subtle challenges hold sway, especially, although not only, on college campuses. The first is a version of what I called, in my book Kindly Inquisitors, the humanitarian challenge: the idea that speech that is hateful or hurtful (in someone’s estimation) causes pain and thus violates others’ rights, much as physical violence does. The other is a version of what I called the egalitarian challenge: the idea that speech that denigrates minorities (again, in someone’s estimation) perpetuates social inequality and oppression and thus also is a rights violation. Both arguments call upon administrators and other bureaucrats to defend human rights by regulating speech rights.
Both doctrines are flawed to the core. Censorship harms minorities by enforcing conformity and entrenching majority power, and it no more ameliorates hatred and injustice than smashing thermometers ameliorates global warming. If unwelcome words are the equivalent of bludgeons or bullets, then the free exchange of criticism—science, in other words—is a crime. I could go on, but suffice it to say that the current challenges are new variations on ancient themes—and they will be followed, in decades and centuries to come, by many, many other variations. Memo to free-speech advocates: Our work is never done, but the really amazing thing, given the proposition we are tasked to defend, is how well we are doing.
Jonathan Rauch is a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution and the author of Kindly Inquisitors: The New Attacks on Free Thought.
Nicholas Quinn RosenkranzSpeech is under threat on American campuses as never before. Censorship in various forms is on the rise. And this year, the threat to free speech on campus took an even darker turn, toward actual violence. The prospect of Milo Yiannopoulos speaking at Berkeley provoked riots that caused more than $100,000 worth of property damage on the campus. The prospect of Charles Murray speaking at Middlebury led to a riot that put a liberal professor in the hospital with a concussion. Ann Coulter’s speech at Berkeley was cancelled after the university determined that none of the appropriate venues could be protected from “known security threats” on the date in question.
The free-speech crisis on campus is caused, at least in part, by a more insidious campus pathology: the almost complete lack of intellectual diversity on elite university faculties. At Yale, for example, the number of registered Republicans in the economics department is zero; in the psychology department, there is one. Overall, there are 4,410 faculty members at Yale, and the total number of those who donated to a Republican candidate during the 2016 primaries was three.
So when today’s students purport to feel “unsafe” at the mere prospect of a conservative speaker on campus, it may be easy to mock them as “delicate snowflakes,” but in one sense, their reaction is understandable: If students are shocked at the prospect of a Republican behind a university podium, perhaps it is because many of them have never before laid eyes on one.
To see the connection between free speech and intellectual diversity, consider the recent commencement speech of Harvard President Drew Gilpin Faust:
Universities must be places open to the kind of debate that can change ideas….Silencing ideas or basking in intellectual orthodoxy independent of facts and evidence impedes our access to new and better ideas, and it inhibits a full and considered rejection of bad ones. . . . We must work to ensure that universities do not become bubbles isolated from the concerns and discourse of the society that surrounds them. Universities must model a commitment to the notion that truth cannot simply be claimed, but must be established—established through reasoned argument, assessment, and even sometimes uncomfortable challenges that provide the foundation for truth.
Faust is exactly right. But, alas, her commencement audience might be forgiven a certain skepticism. After all, the number of registered Republicans in several departments at Harvard—e.g., history and psychology—is exactly zero. In those departments, the professors themselves may be “basking in intellectual orthodoxy” without ever facing “uncomfortable challenges.” This may help explain why some students will do everything in their power to keep conservative speakers off campus: They notice that faculty hiring committees seem to do exactly the same thing.
In short, it is a promising sign that true liberal academics like Faust have started speaking eloquently about the crucial importance of civil, reasoned disagreement. But they will be more convincing on this point when they hire a few colleagues with whom they actually disagree.
Nicholas Quinn Rosenkranz is a professor of law at Georgetown. He serves on the executive committee of Heterodox Academy, which he co-founded, on the board of directors of the Federalist Society, and on the board of directors of the Foundation for Individual Rights in Education (FIRE).
Ben ShapiroIn February, I spoke at California State University in Los Angeles. Before my arrival, professors informed students that a white supremacist would be descending on the school to preach hate; threats of violence soon prompted the administration to cancel the event. I vowed to show up anyway. One hour before the event, the administration backed down and promised to guarantee that the event could go forward, but police officers were told not to stop the 300 students, faculty, and outside protesters who blocked and assaulted those who attempted to attend the lecture. We ended up trapped in the auditorium, with the authorities telling students not to leave for fear of physical violence. I was rushed from campus under armed police guard.
Is free speech under assault?
Of course it is.
On campus, free speech is under assault thanks to a perverse ideology of intersectionality that claims victim identity is of primary value and that views are a merely secondary concern. As a corollary, if your views offend someone who outranks you on the intersectional hierarchy, your views are treated as violence—threats to identity itself. On campus, statements that offend an individual’s identity have been treated as “microaggressions”–actual aggressions against another, ostensibly worthy of violence. Words, students have been told, may not break bones, but they will prompt sticks and stones, and rightly so.
Thus, protesters around the country—leftists who see verbiage as violence—have, in turn, used violence in response to ideas they hate. Leftist local authorities then use the threat of violence as an excuse to ideologically discriminate against conservatives. This means public intellectuals like Charles Murray being run off of campus and his leftist professorial cohort viciously assaulted; it means Ann Coulter being targeted for violence at Berkeley; it means universities preemptively banning me and Ayaan Hirsi Ali and Condoleezza Rice and even Jason Riley.
The campus attacks on free speech are merely the most extreme iteration of an ideology that spans from left to right: the notion that your right to free speech ends where my feelings begin. Even Democrats who say that Ann Coulter should be allowed to speak at Berkeley say that nobody should be allowed to contribute to a super PAC (unless you’re a union member, naturally).
Meanwhile, on the right, the president’s attacks on the press have convinced many Republicans that restrictions on the press wouldn’t be altogether bad. A Vanity Fair/60 Minutes poll in late April found that 36 percent of Americans thought freedom of the press “does more harm than good.” Undoubtedly, some of that is due to the media’s obvious bias. CNN’s Jeff Zucker has targeted the Trump administration for supposedly quashing journalism, but he was silent when the Obama administration’s Department of Justice cracked down on reporters from the Associated Press and Fox News, and when hacks like Deputy National Security Adviser Ben Rhodes openly sold lies regarding Iran. But for some on the right, the response to press falsities hasn’t been to call for truth, but to instead echo Trumpian falsehoods in the hopes of damaging the media. Free speech is only important when people seek the truth. Leftists traded truth for tribalism long ago; in response, many on the right seem willing to do the same. Until we return to a common standard under which facts matter, free speech will continue to rest on tenuous grounds.
Ben Shapiro is the editor in chief of The Daily Wire and the host of The Ben Shapiro Show.
Judith ShulevitzIt’s tempting to blame college and university administrators for the decline of free speech in America, and for years I did just that. If the guardians of higher education won’t inculcate the habits of mind required for serious thinking, I thought, who will? The unfettered but civil exchange of ideas is the basic operation of education, just as addition is the basic operation of arithmetic. And universities have to teach both the unfettered part and the civil part, because arguing in a respectful manner isn’t something anyone does instinctively.
So why change my mind now? Schools still cling to speech codes, and there still aren’t enough deans like the one at the University of Chicago who declared his school a safe-space-free zone. My alma mater just handed out prizes for “enhancing race and/or ethnic relations” to two students caught on video harassing the dean of their residential college, one screaming at him that he’d created “a space for violence to happen,” the other placing his face inches away from the dean’s and demanding, “Look at me.” All this because they deemed a thoughtful if ill-timed letter about Halloween costumes written by the dean’s wife to be an act of racist aggression. Yale should discipline students who behave like that, even if they’re right on the merits (I don’t think they were, but that’s not the point). They certainly don’t deserve awards. I can’t believe I had to write that sentence.
But in abdicating their responsibilites, the universities have enabled something even worse than an attack on free speech. They’ve unleashed an assault on themselves. There’s plenty of free speech around; we know that because so much bad speech—low-minded nonsense—tests our constitutional tolerance daily, and that’s holding up pretty well. (As Nicholas Lemann observes elsewhere in this symposium, Facebook and Google represent bigger threats to free speech than students and administrators.) What’s endangered is good speech.
Universities were setting themselves up to be used. Provocateurs exploit the atmosphere on campus to goad overwrought students, then gleefully trash the most important bastion of our crumbling civil society. Higher education and everything it stands for—logical argument, the scientific method, epistemological rigor—start to look illegitimate. Voters perceive tenure and research and higher education itself as hopelessly partisan and unworthy of taxpayers’ money.
The press is a secondary victim of this process of delegitimization. If serious inquiry can be waved off as ideology, then facts won’t be facts and reporting can’t be trusted. All journalism will be equal to all other journalism, and all journalists will be reduced to pests you can slam to the ground with near impunity. Politicians will be able to say anything and do just about anything and there will be no countervailing authority to challenge them. I’m pretty sure that that way lies Putinism and Erdoganism. And when we get to that point, I’m going to start worrying about free speech again.
Judith Shulevitz is a critic in New York.
Harvey SilverglateFree speech is, and has always been, threatened. The title of Nat Hentoff’s 1993 book Free Speech for Me – but Not for Thee is no less true today than at any time, even as the Supreme Court has accorded free speech a more absolute degree of protection than in any previous era.
Since the 1980s, the high court has decided most major free-speech cases in favor of speech, with most of the major decisions being unanimous or nearly so.
Women’s-rights advocates were turned back by the high court in 1986 when they sought to ban the sale of printed materials that, because deemed pornographic by some, were alleged to promote violence against women. Censorship in the name of gender–based protection thus failed to gain traction.
Despite the demands of civil-rights activists, the Supreme Court in 1992 declared cross-burning to be a protected form of expression in R.A.V. v. City of St. Paul, a decision later refined to strengthen a narrow exception for when cross-burning occurs primarily as a physical threat rather than merely an expression of hatred.
Other attempts at First Amendment circumvention have been met with equally decisive rebuff. When the Reverend Jerry Falwell sued Hustler magazine publisher Larry Flynt for defamation growing out of a parody depicting Falwell’s first sexual encounter as a drunken tryst with his mother in an outhouse, a unanimous Supreme Court lectured on the history of parody as a constitutionally protected, even if cruel, form of social and political criticism.
When the South Boston Allied War Veterans, sponsor of Boston’s Saint Patrick’s Day parade, sought to exclude a gay veterans’ group from marching under its own banner, the high court unanimously held that as a private entity, even though marching in public streets, the Veterans could exclude any group marching under a banner conflicting with the parade’s socially conservative message, notwithstanding public-accommodations laws. The gay group could have its own parade but could not rain on that of the conservatives.
Despite such legal clarity, today’s most potent attacks on speech are coming, ironically, from liberal-arts colleges. Ubiquitous “speech codes” limit speech that might insult, embarrass, or “harass,” in particular, members of “historically disadvantaged” groups. “Safe spaces” and “trigger warnings” protect purportedly vulnerable students from hearing words and ideas they might find upsetting. Student demonstrators and threats of violence have forced the cancellation of controversial speakers, left and right.
It remains unclear how much campus censorship results from politically correct faculty, control-obsessed student-life administrators, or students socialized and indoctrinated into intolerance. My experience suggests that the bureaucrats are primarily, although not entirely, to blame. When sued, colleges either lose or settle, pay a modest amount, and then return to their censorious ways.
This trend threatens the heart and soul of liberal education. Eventually it could infect the entire society as these students graduate and assume influential positions. Whether a resulting flood of censorship ultimately overcomes legal protections and weakens democracy remains to be seen.
Harvey Silverglate, a Boston-based lawyer and writer, is the co-author of The Shadow University: The Betrayal of Liberty on America’s Campuses (Free Press, 1998). He co-founded the Foundation for Individual Rights in Education in 1999 and is on FIRE’s board of directors. He spent some three decades on the board of the ACLU of Massachusetts, two of those years as chairman. Silverglate taught at Harvard Law School for a semester during a sabbatical he took in the mid-1980s.
Christina Hoff SommersWhen Heather Mac Donald’s “blue lives matter” talk was shut down by a mob at Claremont McKenna College, the president of neighboring Pomona College sent out an email defending free speech. Twenty-five students shot back a response: “Heather Mac Donald is a fascist, a white supremacist . . . classist, and ignorant of interlocking systems of domination that produce the lethal conditions under which oppressed peoples are forced to live.”
Some blame the new campus intolerance on hypersensitive, over-trophied millennials. But the students who signed that letter don’t appear to be fragile. Nor do those who recently shut down lectures at Berkeley, Middlebury, DePaul, and Cal State LA. What they are is impassioned. And their passion is driven by a theory known as intersectionality.
Intersectionality is the source of the new preoccupation with microaggressions, cultural appropriation, and privilege-checking. It’s the reason more than 200 colleges and universities have set up Bias Response Teams. Students who overhear potentially “otherizing” comments or jokes are encouraged to make anonymous reports to their campus BRTs. A growing number of professors and administrators have built their careers around intersectionality. What is it exactly?
Intersectionality is a neo-Marxist doctrine that views racism, sexism, ableism, heterosexism, and all forms of “oppression” as interconnected and mutually reinforcing. Together these “isms” form a complex arrangement of advantages and burdens. A white woman is disadvantaged by her gender but advantaged by her race. A Latino is burdened by his ethnicity but privileged by his gender. According to intersectionality, American society is a “matrix of domination,” with affluent white males in control. Not only do they enjoy most of the advantages, they also determine what counts as “truth” and “knowledge.”
But marginalized identities are not without resources. According to one of intersectionality’s leading theorists, Patricia Collins (former president of the American Sociology Association), disadvantaged groups have access to deeper, more liberating truths. To find their voice, and to enlighten others to the true nature of reality, they require a safe space—free of microaggressive put-downs and imperious cultural appropriations. Here they may speak openly about their “lived experience.” Lived experience, according to intersectional theory, is a better guide to the truth than self-serving Western and masculine styles of thinking. So don’t try to refute intersectionality with logic or evidence: That only proves that you are part of the problem it seeks to overcome.
How could comfortably ensconced college students be open to a convoluted theory that describes their world as a matrix of misery? Don’t they flinch when they hear intersectional scholars like bell hooks refer to the U.S. as an “imperialist, white-supremacist, capitalist patriarchy”? Most take it in stride because such views are now commonplace in high-school history and social studies texts. And the idea that knowledge comes from lived experience rather than painstaking study and argument is catnip to many undergrads.
Silencing speech and forbidding debate is not an unfortunate by-product of intersectionality—it is a primary goal. How else do you dismantle a lethal system of oppression? As the protesting students at Claremont McKenna explained in their letter: “Free speech . . . has given those who seek to perpetuate systems of domination a platform to project their bigotry.” To the student activists, thinkers like Heather MacDonald and Charles Murray are agents of the dominant narrative, and their speech is “a form of violence.”
It is hard to know how our institutions of higher learning will find their way back to academic freedom, open inquiry, and mutual understanding. But as long as intersectional theory goes unchallenged, campus fanaticism will intensify.
Christina Hoff Sommers is a resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute. She is the author of several books, including Who Stole Feminism? and The War Against Boys. She also hosts The Factual Feminist, a video blog. @Chsommers
John StosselYes, some college students do insane things. Some called police when they saw “Trump 2016” chalked on sidewalks. The vandals at Berkeley and the thugs who assaulted Charles Murray are disgusting. But they are a minority. And these days people fight back.
Someone usually videotapes the craziness. Yale’s “Halloween costume incident” drove away two sensible instructors, but videos mocking Yale’s snowflakes, like “Silence U,” make such abuse less likely. Groups like Young America’s Foundation (YAF) publicize censorship, and the Foundation for Individual Rights in Education (FIRE) sues schools that restrict speech.
Consciousness has been raised. On campus, the worst is over. Free speech has always been fragile. I once took cameras to Seton Hall law school right after a professor gave a lecture on free speech. Students seemed to get the concept. Sean, now a lawyer, said, “Protect freedom for thought we hate; otherwise you never have a society where ideas clash, and we come up with the best idea.” So I asked, “Should there be any limits?” Students listed “fighting words,” “shouting fire in a theater,” malicious libel, etc.— reasonable court-approved exceptions. But then they went further. Several wanted bans on “hate” speech, “No value comes out of hate speech,” said Javier. “It inevitably leads to violence.”
No it doesn’t, I argued, “Also, doesn’t hate speech bring ideas into the open, so you can better argue about them, bringing you to the truth?”
“No,” replied Floyd, “With hate speech, more speech is just violence.”
So I pulled out a big copy of the First Amendment and wrote, “exception: hate speech.”
Two students wanted a ban on flag desecration “to respect those who died to protect it.”
One wanted bans on blasphemy:
“Look at the gravity of the harm versus the value in blasphemy—the harm outweighs the value.”
Several wanted a ban on political speech by corporations because of “the potential for large corporations to improperly influence politicians.”
Finally, Jillian, also now a lawyer, wanted hunting videos banned.
“It encourages harm down the road.”
I asked her, incredulously, “you’re comfortable locking up people who make a hunting film?”
“Oh, yeah,” she said. “It’s unnecessary cruelty to feeling and sentient beings.”
So, I picked up my copy of the Bill of Rights again. After “no law . . . abridging freedom of speech,” I added: “Except hate speech, flag burning, blasphemy, corporate political speech, depictions of hunting . . . ”
That embarrassed them. “We may have gone too far,” said Sean. Others agreed. One said, “Cross out the exceptions.” Free speech survived, but it was a close call. Respect for unpleasant speech will always be thin. Then-Senator Hillary Clinton wanted violent video games banned. John McCain and Russ Feingold tried to ban political speech. Donald Trump wants new libel laws, and if you burn a flag, he tweeted, consequences might be “loss of citizenship or a year in jail!” Courts or popular opinion killed those bad ideas.
Free speech will survive, assuming those of us who appreciate it use it to fight those who would smother it.
John Stossel is a FOX News/FOX Business Network Contributor.
Warren TreadgoldEven citizens of dictatorships are free to praise the regime and to talk about the weather. The only speech likely to be threatened anywhere is the sort that offends an important and intolerant group. What is new in America today is a leftist ideology that threatens speech precisely because it offends certain important and intolerant groups: feminists and supposedly oppressed minorities.
So far this new ideology is clearly dominant only in colleges and universities, where it has become so strong that most controversies concern outside speakers invited by students, not faculty speakers or speakers invited by administrators. Most academic administrators and professors are either leftists or have learned not to oppose leftism; otherwise they would probably never have been hired. Administrators treat even violent leftist protestors with respect and are ready to prevent conservative and moderate outsiders from speaking rather than provoke protests. Most professors who defend conservative or moderate speakers argue that the speakers’ views are indeed noxious but say that students should be exposed to them to learn how to refute them. This is very different from encouraging a free exchange of ideas.
Although the new ideology began on campuses in the ’60s, it gained authority outside them largely by means of several majority decisions of the Supreme Court, from Roe (1973) to Obergefell (2015). The Supreme Court decisions that endanger free speech are based on a presumed consensus of enlightened opinion that certain rights favored by activists have the same legitimacy as rights explicitly guaranteed by the Constitution—or even more legitimacy, because the rights favored by activists are assumed to be so fundamental that they need no grounding in specific constitutional language. The Court majorities found restricting abortion rights or homosexual marriage, as large numbers of Americans wish to do, to be constitutionally equivalent to restricting black voting rights or interracial marriage. Any denial of such equivalence therefore opposes fundamental constitutional rights and can be considered hate speech, advocating psychological and possibly physical harm to groups like women seeking abortions or homosexuals seeking approval. Such speech may still be constitutionally protected, but acting upon it is not.
This ideology of forbidding allegedly offensive speech has spread to most of the Democratic Party and the progressive movement. Rather than seeing themselves as taking one side in a free debate, progressives increasingly argue (for example) that opposing abortion is offensive to women and supporting the police is offensive to blacks. Some politicians object so strongly to such speech that despite their interest in winning votes, they attack voters who disagree with them as racists or sexists. Expressing views that allegedly discriminate against women, blacks, homosexuals, and various other minorities can now be grounds for a lawsuit.
Speech that supposedly offends women or minorities has already cost some people their careers, their businesses, and their opportunities to deliver or hear speeches. Such intimidation is the intended result of an ideology that threatens free speech.
Warren Treadgold is a professor of history at Saint Louis University.
Matt WelchLike a sullen zoo elephant rocking back and forth from leg to leg, there is an oversized paradox we’d prefer not to see standing smack in the sightlines of most our policy debates. Day by day, even minute by minute, America simultaneously gets less free in the laboratory, but more free in the field. Individuals are constantly expanding the limits and applications of their own autonomy, even as government transcends prior restraints on how far it can reach into our intimate business.
So it is that the Internal Revenue Service can charge foreign banks with collecting taxes on U.S. citizens (therefore causing global financial institutions to shun many of the estimated 6 million-plus Americans who live abroad), even while block-chain virtuosos make illegal transactions wholly undetectable to authorities. It has never been easier for Americans to travel abroad, and it’s never been harder to enter the U.S. without showing passports, fingerprints, retinal scans, and even social-media passwords.
What’s true for banking and tourism is doubly true for free speech. Social media has given everyone not just a platform but a megaphone (as unreadable as our Facebook timelines have all become since last November). At the same time, the federal government during this unhappy 21st century has continuously ratcheted up prosecutorial pressure against leakers, whistleblowers, investigative reporters, and technology companies.
A hopeful bulwark against government encroachment unique to the free-speech field is the Supreme Court’s very strong First Amendment jurisprudence in the past decade or two. Donald Trump, like Hillary Clinton before him, may prattle on about locking up flag-burners, but Antonin Scalia and the rest of SCOTUS protected such expression back in 1990. Barack Obama and John McCain (and Hillary Clinton—she’s as bad as any recent national politician on free speech) may lament the Citizens United decision, but it’s now firmly legal to broadcast unfriendly documentaries about politicians without fear of punishment, no matter the electoral calendar.
But in this very strength lies what might be the First Amendment’s most worrying vulnerability. Barry Friedman, in his 2009 book The Will of the People, made the persuasive argument that the Supreme Court typically ratifies, post facto, where public opinion has already shifted. Today’s culture of free speech could be tomorrow’s legal framework. If so, we’re in trouble.
For evidence of free-speech slippage, just read around you. When both major-party presidential nominees react to terrorist attacks by calling to shut down corners of the Internet, and when their respective supporters are actually debating the propriety of sucker punching protesters they disagree with, it’s hard to escape the conclusion that our increasingly shrill partisan sorting is turning the very foundation of post-1800 global prosperity into just another club to be swung in our national street fight.
In the eternal cat-and-mouse game between private initiative and government control, the former is always advantaged by the latter’s fundamental incompetence. But what if the public willingly hands government the power to muzzle? It may take a counter-cultural reformation to protect this most noble of American experiments.
Matt Welch is the editor at large of Reason.
Adam. J. WhiteFree speech is indeed under threat on our university campuses, but the threat did not begin there and it will not end there. Rather, the campus free-speech crisis is a particularly visible symptom of a much more fundamental crisis in American culture.
The problem is not that some students, teachers, and administrators reject traditional American values and institutions, or even that they are willing to menace or censor others who defend those values and institutions. Such critics have always existed, and they can be expected to use the tools and weapons at their disposal. The problem is that our country seems to produce too few students, teachers, and administrators who are willing or able to respond to them.
American families produce children who arrive on campus unprepared for, or uninterested in, defending our values and institutions. For our students who are focused primarily on their career prospects (if on anything at all), “[c]ollege is just one step on the continual stairway of advancement,” as David Brooks observed 16 years ago. “They’re not trying to buck the system; they’re trying to climb it, and they are streamlined for ascent. Hence they are not a disputatious group.”
Meanwhile, parents bear incomprehensible financial burdens to get their kids through college, without a clear sense of precisely what their kids will get out of these institutions in terms of character formation or civic virtue. With so much money at stake, few can afford for their kids to pursue more than career prospects.
Those problems are not created on campus, but they are exacerbated there, as too few college professors and administrators see their institutions as cultivators of American culture and republicanism. Confronted with activists’ rage, they offer no competing vision of higher education—let alone a compelling one.
Ironically, we might borrow a solution from the Left. Where progressives would leverage state power in service of their health-care agenda, we could do the same for education. State legislatures and governors, recognizing the present crisis, should begin to reform and renegotiate the fundamental nature of state universities. By making state universities more affordable, more productive, and more reflective of mainstream American values, they will attract students—and create incentives for competing private universities to follow suit.
Let’s hope they do it soon, for what’s at stake is much more than just free speech on campus, or even free speech writ large. In our time, as in Tocqueville’s, “the instruction of the people powerfully contributes to the support of a democratic republic,” especially “where instruction which awakens the understanding is not separated from moral education which amends the heart.” We need our colleges to cultivate—not cut down—civic virtue and our capacity for self-government. “Republican government presupposes the existence of these qualities in a higher degree than any other form,” Madison wrote in Federalist 55. If “there is not sufficient virtue among men for self-government,” then “nothing less than the chains of despotism” can restrain us “from destroying and devouring one another.”
Adam J. White is a research fellow at the Hoover Institution.
Cathy YoungA writer gets expelled from the World Science Fiction Convention for criticizing the sci-fi community’s preoccupation with racial and gender “inclusivity” while moderating a panel. An assault on free speech, or an exercise of free association? How about when students demand the disinvitation of a speaker—or disrupt the speech? When a critic of feminism gets banned from a social-media platform for unspecified “abuse”?
Such questions are at the heart of many recent free-speech controversies. There is no censorship by government; but how concerned should we be when private actors effectively suppress unpopular speech? Even in the freest society, some speech will—and should—be considered odious and banished to unsavory fringes. No one weeps for ostracized Holocaust deniers or pedophilia apologists.
But shunned speech needs to remain a narrow exception—or acceptable speech will inexorably shrink. As current Federal Communications Commission chairman Ajit Pai cautioned last year, First Amendment protections will be hollowed out unless undergirded by cultural values that support a free marketplace of ideas.
Sometimes, attacks on speech come from the right. In 2003, an Iraq War critic, reporter Chris Hedges, was silenced at Rockford College in Illinois by hecklers who unplugged the microphone and rushed the stage; some conservative pundits defended this as robust protest. Yet the current climate on the left—in universities, on social media, in “progressive” journalism, in intellectual circles—is particularly hostile to free expression. The identity-politics left, fixated on subtle oppressions embedded in everyday attitudes and language, sees speech-policing as the solution.
Is hostility to free-speech values on the rise? New York magazine columnist Jesse Singal argues that support for restrictions on public speech offensive to minorities has remained steady, and fairly high, since the 1970s. Perhaps. But the range of what qualifies as offensive—and which groups are to be shielded—has expanded dramatically. In our time, a leading liberal magazine, the New Republic, can defend calls to destroy a painting of lynching victim Emmett Till because the artist is white and guilty of “cultural appropriation,” and a feminist academic journal can be bullied into apologizing for an article on transgender issues that dares to mention “male genitalia.”
There is also a distinct trend of “bad” speech being squelched by coercion, not just disapproval. That includes the incidents at Middlebury College in Vermont and at Claremont McKenna in California, where mobs not only prevented conservative speakers—Charles Murray and Heather Mac Donald—from addressing audiences but physically threatened them as well. It also includes the use of civil-rights legislation to enforce goodthink in the workplace: Businesses may face stiff fines if they don’t force employees to call a “non-binary” co-worker by the singular “they,” even when talking among themselves.
These trends make a mockery of liberalism and enable the kind of backlash we have seen with Donald Trump’s election. But the backlash can bring its own brand of authoritarianism. It’s time to start rebuilding the culture of free speech across political divisions—a project that demands, above all, genuine openness and intellectual consistency. Otherwise it will remain, as the late, great Nat Hentoff put it, a call for “free speech for me, but not for thee.”
Cathy Young is a contributing editor at Reason.
Robert J. ZimmerFree speech is not a natural feature of human society. Many people are comfortable with free expression for views they agree with but would withhold this privilege for those they deem offensive. People justify such restrictions by various means: the appeal to moral certainty, political agendas, demand for change, opposing change, retaining power, resisting authority, or, more recently, not wanting to feel uncomfortable. Moral certainty about one’s views or a willingness to indulge one’s emotions makes it easy to assert that others are doing true damage or creating unacceptable offense simply by presenting a fundamentally different perspective.
The resulting challenges to free expression may come in the form of laws, threats, pressure (whether societal, group, or organizational), or self-censorship in the face of a prevailing consensus. Specific forms of challenge may be more or less pronounced as circumstances vary. But the widespread temptation to consider the silencing of “objectionable” viewpoints as acceptable implies that the challenge to free expression is always present.
The United States today is no exception. We benefit from the First Amendment, which asserts that the government shall make no law abridging the freedom of speech. However, fostering a society supporting free expression involves matters far beyond the law. The ongoing and increasing demonization of one group by another creates a political and social environment conducive to suppressing speech. Even violent acts opposing speech can become acceptable or encouraged. Such behavior is evident at both political rallies and university events. Our greatest current threat to free expression is the emergence of a national culture that accepts the legitimacy of suppression of speech deemed objectionable by a segment of the population.
University and college campuses present a particularly vivid instance of this cultural shift. There have been many well-publicized episodes of speakers being disinvited or prevented from speaking because of their views. However, the problem is much deeper, as there is significant self-censorship on many campuses. Both faculty and students sometimes find themselves silenced by social and institutional pressures to conform to “acceptable” views. Ironically, the very mission of universities and colleges to provide a powerful and deeply enriching education for their students demands that they embrace and protect free expression and open discourse. Failing to do so significantly diminishes the quality of the education they provide.
My own institution, the University of Chicago, through the words and actions of its faculty and leaders since its founding, has asserted the importance of free expression and its essential role in embracing intellectual challenge. We continue to do so today as articulated by the Chicago Principles, which strongly affirm that “the University’s fundamental commitment is to the principle that debate or deliberation may not be suppressed because the ideas put forth are thought by some or even by most members of the University community to be offensive, unwise, immoral, or wrong-headed.” It is only in such an environment that universities can fulfill their own highest aspirations and provide leadership by demonstrating the value of free speech within society more broadly. A number of universities have joined us in reinforcing these values. But it remains to be seen whether the faculty and leaders of many institutions will truly stand up for these values, and in doing so provide a model for society as a whole.
Robert J. Zimmer is the president of the University of Chicago.