Given the lazy, ignorant, and hostile reporting on Indiana’s religious-freedom law, we are left to wonder: Is there any conceivable situation in which the press would portray conservative Americans as anything other than the aggressor? Politico today reports “Conservatives go on the attack in religious freedom debate,” as if the story of the day –a story that should bring great shame to any culture capable of it–weren’t that a small-town Indiana pizza shop’s owners were harassed, threatened, and bullied until they closed for the crime of answering an asinine reporter’s hypothetical about catering a gay wedding. But at least the campaign of hate aimed at those the left considers thought criminals tells us something important about the role of law in the culture wars: minimal.

The campaign in favor of gay marriage has been remarkably successful, given how quickly opinions have changed. But what’s clear about the issue is that the pro-SSM side left points on the board: they should have been even more successful than they have been. That’s because winning hearts and minds is essential when trying to replace an existing set of social norms. Gay marriage was winning legislation but losing referendum after referendum, showing that while the momentum was on their side, they still had plenty of convincing to do.

That’s when liberal activists seem to have made a key choice: they decided to stop winning hearts and minds. The fact that they were winning on legislation paradoxically encouraged them to stop focusing on the rule of law as a tool in their campaign. That’s because they understood why they were winning on legislation: mob McCarthyism.

They also figured out that mob McCarthyism could be used not only on politicians who wanted the backing of business leaders and who were sensitive to being labeled a bigot. It could also be turned on their fellow private citizens. And so that’s what they did.

I would like to believe we can say we are seeing where this revolting campaign of violence-tinged demonization and hounding of heretics ends, but I fear what happened to Memories Pizza is only the beginning. In the Internet age, the zombified mob of malevolent lemmings has virtually no limits on its reach. Erick Erickson famously (and correctly) warned that “You will be made to care.” Indeed, and in 2015 you will be made to care by strangers living perhaps thousands of miles away from you. They will find you.

So why win hearts and minds when you can break a couple Christian eggs and get your omelet, all the while setting a public example pour encourager les autres? The answer, one would have hoped, is that it shouldn’t make leftists feel good to ruin people’s lives on a political whim. But apparently it does.

And it doesn’t have all that much to do with the law. It’s true that this latest bout of hysteria was touched off by Indiana passing a state version of a federal religious-protection law signed by Bill Clinton and once upon a time popular across party lines. But then reporters went looking for people to destroy because they might comply with the law, rather than focus exclusively on spooking politicians into going back on their word and throwing men and women of faith under the bus.

And it won’t stop at shutting down pizzerias because it has nothing to do with pizza. It’s about total conformity–or else. Nor will the mob long tolerate abstentions from mob action. In her book on ritual denunciation and mutual suspicion in the early Soviet Union, Inventing the Enemy, Wendy Goldman discusses the use of zaiavleniia, reports to officials on other citizens (emphasis added):

Charges made in zaiavleniia did not have to be substantiated by proof or evidence, and their authors were not even held responsible for their contents. Individual zaiavleniia might thus contain, along with party members’ supposed full revelations about themselves, a generous measure of rumor, gossip, slander, and lies about others. Moreover, whereas there were no penalties for writing a zaiavlenie without evidence, not writing one at all could invite serious consequences. Failure to report the arrest of a relative or to go on record with suspicions about a coworker who was subsequently arrested, for example, was grounds for expulsion from the Party. There was therefore a strong impetus to denounce others, if only to protect oneself against the charge of having failed to denounce them. Local party leaders, once able to exercise some discretion in their investigations, were now forced to investigate every zaiavlenie, no matter how nonsensical or malicious.

Just find someone to denounce. That’s the logical endpoint of the mob. It won’t be enough to simply do as they say. You must ensure others do so as well. Reeducate them.

This is not about passing laws approving of gay marriage or preventing the passage of laws which were uncontroversial a day ago, or an hour ago. In fact, once a degree of success before the law was reached, the law began working against The Cause. The mob thrives on enforcing standards that change on a dime and on a whim. This is emotion and instinct, not a rational program to achieve legislative balance. Rules, at this point, would only hurt The Cause.

And The Cause will change too, which is what makes some supporters of same-sex marriage nervous about a country suddenly ruled by mindless mass vengeance. Surely enough Americans understand the danger here, right?