Robert Redford’s War on History
Jonathan S. Tobin 2013-04-03In 2013, the term “radical chic” is a cultural reference so dated that it is more or less the moral equivalent of someone mouthing the catch phrases of the Roaring Twenties in the 1960s. The era when liberal intellectuals and elite cultural figures paid homage to a violent and radical left is so far distant that it may be difficult for Americans growing up in the second decade of the 21st century to sense its significance. Suffice it to say that the willingness of so many people who ought to have known better to think of either Weather Underground terrorists or Black Panther thugs as idealists is among the most dishonorable moments in America’s cultural history.
The notion that America was on the verge of a revolution in the late ’60s and early ’70s was the sort of patently absurd idea that only intellectuals and those so choked with hatred for their country could buy. It led inevitably to violence and murder and, like the rest of the far left’s ideas that seemingly died with the Berlin Wall, lives on only in the imaginations of campus radicals and the fever swamps of the far left. Although that era has been hopelessly romanticized by a country that has amnesia about everything about the time except its music, fortunately most Americans today see left-wing terrorism as ancient and deservedly forgotten history.
But not Hollywood, or at least the portion of it in which Robert Redford and his colleagues on the new film The Company You Keep which takes up the theme of a ’60s radical still on the lam 30 years after his crimes. The willingness of Redford to promote the fraudulent premise that these radicals were true patriots rather than murderous thugs cannot be excused by artistic license. Nor should it go unanswered. To claim, as he did on MSNBC’s “Morning Joe” program today, that the tale of the Weathermen trying to evade justice is a new version of Victor Hugo’s Les Miserables, isn’t merely a movie absurdity. It is the worst sort of historical revisionism that ought to bring down on the former heartthrob’s head the sort of opprobrium that was once reserved for Jane Fonda.
The film is loosely based on the events of the real life 1981 Brinks robbery in Nyack, N.Y. in which a gang of radicals who had been previously involved in Weathermen bombings murdered two police officers and a security guard while stealing $1.6 million to fund their activities. Michelle Malkin’s takedown of the film is a must read, as is our John Podhoretz’s column in today’s New York Post about Kathy Boudin, the getaway driver in the Brinks case.Boudin was eventually caught and served 22 years in jail before being sprung after some artful lies about her violent career to a credulous parole board. But after her release, she has become, like Bill Ayers, another former Weathermen who was friendly with Barack Obama before he became a presidential candidate, a petted idol of the academic world. As John writes, Columbia University’s decision to name the unrepentant killer an adjunct professor of social work is nothing less than a disgrace.
There will be those on the left who will chide conservatives for their anger over Redford’s film. Like those who mock the persistence of historians who have ferreted out the truth about Soviet spies like Julius and Ethel Rosenberg and Alger Hiss, they will ask us why we are so concerned about debunking these former left-wing icons. But those who ask right-wingers why they are so exercised about the past need to pose the same question to Redford and other liberals who think cinematic and literary attempts to vindicate these radicals are worthwhile endeavors.
If Redford believes the impulse to bomb buildings and commit murders in the name of changing “Amerika” is really the moral equivalent of Jean Valjean’s crime of stealing a loaf of bread to feed a starving child then his moral compass is profoundly out of order.
But the offense here is not just to Hugo, or as Malkin rightly noted, to the families of those murdered by Boudin and the real Brinks killers. Any effort to turn the history of that tortured era upside down and make violent ideologues the good guys diminishes all Americans as well as the rule of law. This won’t be the first Hollywood film to falsify history or to give villains the undeserved status of heroes. But in an era when our collective historical knowledge has become so flimsy it is all the more dangerous. The Weathermen radicals deserve to go down in history as the bloody-minded and evil killers that they truly were. The lies that Redford and his cheering section in the chattering classes and the arts tell must not be allowed to change that.
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Robert Redford’s War on History
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How Israel Passed the Justice Test
Jonathan S. Tobin 2016-01-04
The announcement by the Israeli government of indictments in the shocking arson murder of an Arab family in a West Bank village last summer is, in a very real sense, not a big deal. In decent nations, those who commit murder shouldn’t be allowed to get away with it no matter what the circumstances. hThat it took several months of investigations and interrogations of suspects was regrettable but, assuming that the case has been solved, the final result in which the guilty are punished is the main thing. Israel neither seeks nor deserves any special honors for enforcing the law. But there is nothing ordinary about this case. By putting the full resources of the state behind an effort to punish a Jew for killing Arabs in the midst of a bloody national conflict testifies to the resilience and the integrity of Israeli democracy and the rule of law.
This is important not because those points are really in question but because the ongoing ideological war to destroy Israel is, at least in part, predicated on the notion that it does not seek to extend the protection of the rule to those who are not Jews or even citizens. Moreover, by having a so-called right-wing government take the threat of Jewish terrorism seriously, the country has once again reaffirmed its commitment to principle against pressure from those of its citizens who would have it descend to the level of its enemies.
It is unfortunate that a few Israelis and Jews believe the mere fact that Israel’s enemies have seized on this case is reason enough to doubt the government’s position. Others have raised the issue of context in a manner so as to potentially justify or rationalize Jewish terrorism as an “understandable” response to the far more prevalent Palestinian terror attacks on Jews. Fortunately, the Israeli government has rejected such impulses. This was important not just because it is the right thing to do but because it makes a vital point about the conflict in which Israel still finds itself mired.
The crime was not only heinous in an of itself but also a flash point for conflict serving to justify Arab terrorism against Jews as well as to further besmirch the reputation of Israel and the West Bank settlement movement. The perpetrators of the firebombing of a home in the village of Duma had to be found and brought to justice.
Those on the far right speaking up in defense of the accused murderer and some of his associates that were questioned in connection with this case or charged with other crimes against Arabs are claiming that their civil liberties were violated during the course of the investigation. By American standards, this is almost certainly true. They were held without charge for long periods and denied counsel for some of that time. They were also subjected to what some call “enhanced interrogation” methods designed to deal with potential “ticking bomb” threats. None of that would be possible in the United States, but it is permitted in much of the democratic world including Israel. The question of whether Israel would be better off living by U.S. standards of justice is an interesting one but not likely to be given much credence in a country under siege from terrorists in a manner that most Americans couldn’t envision in their worst nightmares. That some of those criticizing the Israeli security services for their behavior in the case are the same people who cry out for harsh methods to be used against Arab terrorists is ironic and might be humorous if it were not so tragic.
The Israeli courts, which are sticklers for the law, will have the final say in these cases, and one should not presuppose the outcome of any trial. But if we assume, as seems likely, that the Israeli intelligence services have done their job well, the issue here was not one of innocence or guilt but of what kind of country Israel is or wants to be.
As I’ve written here previously, the contrast between Israel’s behavior and that of its Palestinian foes is instructive. The Palestinian Authority and Hamas incite terrorism against Jews on a daily basis. Those Arabs who try or succeed at stabbing, shooting, or firebombing Jews are praised as heroes and martyrs. Far from being punished by the governments of the West Bank and Gaza, their efforts subsidized. If they are caught and imprisoned, they receive pensions from the PA treasury that is dependent on European and American government aid. If they are killed in the attempt, their families receive compensation. In that sense murder of Jews is not merely considered laudatory behavior but also normative in a Palestinian political culture predicated on hate.
To state that Israel is better than a society that behaves in this fashion this is to damn it with faint praise. But it is nonetheless worth pointing out because the critique of Israel throughout the world seems to rest on the notion that the Jewish state is a violent tribal entity that does not live up to Western standards and, as a result, has no right to exist. The fact is every sector of Israeli society, including the overwhelming majority of West Bank settlers, deplored what happened in Duma. Israel-haters will never accept it, no matter what it does. But by refusing to lower itself to the kind of behavior accepted by its enemies, Israel has demonstrated that it is possible to have a democratic society even when it placed under extreme pressure. Jewish terrorists were not so much at war with the Arabs as they are with their fellow Jews and Zionism.
Had the Duma crime been carried out by an Arab against an Israeli family Palestinians would have cheered. Had it been perpetrated by Arabs in an Arab country against the members of any religious minority, the odds are those responsible would never have been arrested, let alone the full resources of the nation deployed to find them.
It is sad that even a small minority of Jews think that “revenge” for the many Arab attacks on Jews is understandable, let alone defensible. But what these few misguided people seem to forget that Israel is right to insist on being judged by a higher standard than the complacency with which most of the world views Arab terrorism against Jews. As Israel has proved over the decades, doing so does not mean it cannot defend itself against terror. Israel has thrived and grown in strength because it is a democracy and a place where the rule of law prevails even against Jews who kill Arabs or the powerful who abuse the system (see Olmert, Ehud).
Those who care about Israel may not think there is anything extraordinary about this. But at a time when so many intellectual elites have deluded themselves into believing lies about it being an “apartheid state,” these facts must not be ignored.
In the Duma case, Israel has past the justice test by which we rightly judge civilized states. Peace with the Palestinians will become possible only when they are prepared to meet the same standard.
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Elliott Abrams
“ For more than 60 years, COMMENTARY has been a go-to source on matters of the greatest importance to our nation and our civilization. Today, its full-throated defense of the United States and freedom is as eloquent as it was a half-century ago, and no less urgent. Issues of the day will change, news cycles come and go, but COMMENTARY remains an indispensable authority in the battle of ideas that help to shape our world. Its continued success is both an indication, and source, of the country’s intellectual health. „
Donald Rumsfeld
“ COMMENTARY is America's most important monthly journal of ideas, period. For nearly seven decades it has published the best and most exciting writing from the most important thinkers: Saul Bellow and Lionel Trilling; Daniel Patrick Moynihan and Jeane Kirkpatrick; Paul Johnson and Ruth Wisse; Cynthia Ozick and—of course—Norman Podhoretz and Midge Decter. Is there anything remotely like it? No. It is the lamp by which America, and Israel, and the Jewish people, may find their way to safety. I'm proud to be published in its pages. „
Bret Stephens
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Ruth R. Wisse
“ Edward Shils noted that there are four means of education in the modern world: the classroom, bookstores (especially used-bookstores), the conversation of intelligent friends, and intellectual magazines. For me intellectual magazines were more important than any of the other three, and no magazine among them more so than COMMENTARY. I first happened on COMMENTARY as a student browsing in the University of Chicago Bookstore in 1957. I have not missed an issue since. The magazine spoke to my intellectual interests and passions, and still does. As a reader and as a writer, I should be lost without it. „
Joseph Epstein
“ Why does COMMENTARY matter? Since 1945, no other monthly magazine has so consistently published serious, provocative argument and analysis. No other monthly magazine has viewed America and the world through such a wide angle, encompassing economics, politics, society, culture, religion, and diplomacy. No other monthly magazine has published such a celebrated and wide-ranging list of editors and contributors. Cerebral, critical, and committed, the point of view found in its pages is as unique as it is formidable. And in a world of Iranian nukes, rising anti-Semitism, radical Islam, American disarmament, bipartisan neo-isolationism, and disintegrating institutions, reading COMMENTARY is more than a pleasure. It is a necessity. „
Matthew Continetti
“ COMMENTARY has long been an unmissable landmark on the American intellectual landscape. These days it shapes debate, propels argument, and explains society with renewed vigor and force. It is one of the small group of essential reads for anybody engaged in politics, Judaism, foreign policy, national manners, and morals. „
David Brooks
“ Anyone looking for a definitive exposition of a significant historical moment—whether UC Berkeley's Free Speech Movement, say, or the battles over "general education" at Harvard—has at his fingertips an inestimable gift: COMMENTARY's archives, which contain countless gems of reporting and analysis. Today's generation of COMMENTARY writers is building an equally invaluable store of knowledge for future researchers and scholars. „
Heather Mac Donald
“ I first subscribed to COMMENTARY in 1973, as a recovering liberal who had invested four years of my young life in writing speeches for a constellation of McGovernite candidates and office-holders. Living in Berkeley at the time, I relished COMMENTARY as a guilty pleasure, feeling grateful that the magazine arrived each month discreetly disguised in a plain, brown wrapper that concealed its suspiciously neo-conservative content. In the militantly leftist community in which I functioned forty years ago, receiving regular monthly installments of the most degrading porn would have produced far less embarrassment than my growing devotion to the persuasive prose of Norman Podhoretz and Co. Yes, my personal journey from left to right-center involved the usual biographical factors, including the three P’s: paychecks, parenthood, and prayer. Paychecks, because they arrived with shocking subtractions in the form of onerous and incomprehensible taxes; parenthood, because responsibility for a new generation forced a longer-term perspective; and prayer, because my own growing Jewish observance led to the conclusion that my “idealistic” ’60s generation, with all its narcissism and preening self-regard, might not provide life’s ultimate answers after all. Fortunately for me, reading COMMENTARY with near-religious regularity helped to organize my onrushing insights and experience into a more coherent world view. In a dark time in our nation’s history, while surviving (temporarily) in the most unhinged corner of the continent, this incomparable publication persuaded me that I wasn’t alone. „
Michael Medved
“ Just as one begins to despair of hearing the strong voice of sanity and courage, leavened with charm and good humor, in our modern polity, COMMENTARY arrives, and once a month one can be reminded that there are indeed some clear-sighted and articulate people who seem actively to enjoy the battle for truth. „
Andrew Roberts
“ Every month in print, and every day online, COMMENTARY somehow manages to pull off a dazzling balancing act: intellectual but unpretentious, serious but never boring, timely but not fleeting. On the leading questions of the day, it offers fresh and unfamiliar insights. And on the emerging questions that will dominate the years to come, it often sees things first and clearest. It is simply indispensable. „
Yuval Levin
“ In a time of passion, COMMENTARY champions reason. Against lies, COMMENTARY speaks for truth. Confronting those who would doom to death the Jewish people, COMMENTARY is a magnificent continuing achievement of American Jewish life. „
David Frum
“ COMMENTARY has become my new go-to website for news analysis because it is measured, substantive, thoughtful, and written for news consumers of all shapes and sizes. When juggling all the issues of the day and thinking them through, I find myself going back to COMMENTARY again and again to see if there’s anything more that can help me add the ingredients needed to finalize an argument. I like the mix of foreign policy and national political news, as well as the discussions about America’s place in the world and what it should be. I’m a print subscriber and a frequent website visitor, and I follow all of the writers on Twitter. Thank you, COMMENTARY, for providing such consistently helpful content. „
Dana Perino
“ There is more commentary in the world than ever before—whether in print, on the air, or on the Internet. But there is still a dearth of serious, informed commentary that reports, analyzes, and argues without ever stooping to name-calling or vitriol. If you further narrow down the segment of the commentariat that looks at the world from a conservative and Jewish perspective—well, you’re left with only one choice. The magazine you are now reading. COMMENTARY has changed over the years—for instance, it now publishes this blog—but one thing that has not changed is its steadfast commitment to providing the best analysis from the most informed writers of the most important ideas in the world, all written in clear prose that appeals to a general audience. There is nothing else like it. Never has been, never will be. „
Max Boot
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A Problem With One Man Government
Jonathan S. Tobin 2016-01-04
After all the hoopla about President Obama unilaterally changing the nation’s gun laws, the executive order he plans to promulgate this week doesn’t amount to much. The order, which will be announced sometime this week and then promoted on a prime-time town hall broadcast on CNN on Thursday night, will increase the number of small-scale gun sellers that will be required to get federal licenses and thus be forced to conduct background checks on buyers. An executive order that will tighten the rules about reporting lost or stolen guns will also be promulgated. But while these new regulations will make the lives of a number of honest citizens who collect or sell firearms as a sideline or a hobby more difficult, they won’t do a thing to prevent mass shootings. Nor will they do a thing to prevent terrorists from carrying out attacks — the country’s main domestic security concern — in the United States.
President Obama’s urge to remain in the spotlight as his presidency enters its final year is part of the rationale for this move. As such, legacy issues rise in importance, and the president certainly views gun control as just such a topic. He has jumped on his gun control hobbyhorse every chance he has gotten in recent years. Even when the incidents in question had little or nothing to do with the availability of guns, such as the San Bernardino terror attack, that didn’t prevent him from trying to spin the event as somehow yet another excuse for more legislation restricting gun rights.
But the broader issue here is the same as with Obama’s executive orders on immigration: one-man government versus the Constitution.
The president has consistently defended his decision to change the laws regarding immigration as well as these new ones regarding guns as being somehow needed because the Congress failed to do its duty. In his view, Congress needed to pass legislation reforming the immigration process and providing a path to legalization and citizenship for the more than 11 million illegal immigrants already in the country. Similarly, on guns, the president says he has given Congress its chance to increase the number of background checks being performed by the federal government and to make the process of legally purchasing a firearm more onerous.
But Congress failed to act as he advised in either case. Immigration reform passed the Senate but failed in the House, a result that was in no small measure, the result of Obama’s threats of unilateral acts that made Republicans believe he couldn’t be trusted to enforce stricter border security measures as well as opening the gates to the illegals becoming citizens. On guns, both bodies refused to take his advice. So, he and his supporters reason, that justifies the president acting on his own to do what he thinks is right.
One can make arguments for the president’s positions on both immigration and guns though I believe both are dead wrong. Offering what amounts to amnesty for illegals without first figuring out a way to prevent more illegal immigration offers no solution to the problem. Enacting more gun laws won’t stop mass shooting, but supporters of gun rights are correct when they see the president’s “common sense” regulations as merely the thin edge of the wedge in a dishonest effort to repeal or reinterpret the Second Amendment.
Going again down the executive order path as 2016 begins is wrong for reasons that transcend the falsity of the president’s justifications for his positions. Put simply, the Obama administration is behaving in an extralegal fashion that puts the basic constitutional structure of American government in jeopardy. It has yet to be seen, as our Noah Rothman predicts, whether Democrats will ultimately regret this if a Republican is elected to the White House this November and seeks to play the same game. But this is more than a matter of partisan tit-for-tat as we envision future administrations rescinding their predecessors’ laws and unilaterally enacting new ones of their own.
The Founders of this Republic sought to create a form of government that was centered on laws, not the personalities that might be elected to high office. The Constitutional struggles of the English Civil War and the Glorious Revolution were still relatively fresh in their minds as they pondered the perils of one-man government. To prevent future tyrants or the rule of mobs, they created a structure of checks and balances that allowed Congress and the executive a vital role to play in the enactment of new laws. That process is messy, slow and cumbersome because it is dependent on arriving at a consensus between large numbers of disparate figures who must find a way to work together. It involves compromise as well as a desire to persuade friends and foes to vote for any bill rather than the imperative to obliterate all opposition.
For all of President Obama’s many gifts, these are skills and qualities that he lacks. Much like some of his more adamant opponents on the right, Obama’s version of democratic discourse is to dictate the terms of surrender to his critics and then to wait impatiently for them to acknowledge defeat. Thus, when the Republican-controlled Congress that was also elected by the people exercised their right to decide what the laws of the land should be and turned him down, Obama did not accept defeat with grace. Rather than follow the advice of the founders and to look to democratic means to change the outcome, the president has looked to his own power as a way to circumvent Congress. The results are orders that effectively grant amnesty to up to five million illegals and now to enact gun restrictions that Congress has similarly refused to enact.
The courts have correctly stymied the president on immigration. His gun rules, which are far less consequential, may remain on the books, at least as long as he remains president. But in doing so, the president has chipped away the separation of powers in a manner that moves us farther away from the intention of the Founders and any coherent concept of the rule of law. It doesn’t matter that Republicans may rescind his orders and issue ones that conservatives will like better. The danger here is of establishing a truly imperial presidency that will gradually lessen the ability of any Congress, no matter which party runs it, to decide the nation’s laws. If we have “evolved” to the point where a president may make any law he likes even if Congress has said no, we are no longer the same republic created at the 1787 Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia.
Like a Roman consul or dictator, Obama may think he is behaving within the political norms of the day. But American presidents, even popular and powerful ones, are not supposed to be benevolent despots. That’s why no one, no matter their party or their views on immigration or guns, should be cheering this week. Democracy is frustrating, especially when like President Obama, you believe yourself in the right and your opponents always in the wrong. But a government run by one man issuing executive orders is neither a republic nor a democracy. It is despotism even when, as with this week’s gun orders, the stakes seem very small indeed.
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Everyone worth reading avidly reads COMMENTARY. Can you afford not to?
“ In 1975 the Economist said of COMMENTARY: “The world's best magazine?” Take away the question mark and that statement still stands, thirty-eight years later. It's still the magazine America's liberals dread most, and the one America's enemies can't afford to ignore. It's the point of the conservative spear in the never-ending fight against the insanity of the left, whether it's in foreign policy or economic policy, social and cultural issues, or the arts—and no one does a better job standing up for Western culture and America's interests and those of its allies, including Israel. In fact, surviving the next three years—the Obama administration home stretch—and building the foundations for an American resurgence afterward will be impossible without reading COMMENTARY in print and online. „
Arthur Herman
“ There’s an enormous amount of shouting in the wild west of conservative media. That has its place, and is often a sign of the energy on the right. But amidst the cacophony there’s a special need for serious, considered, and compelling argument, presented in the hope of persuading, not just punishing. This is where COMMENTARY has always shined, perhaps more now than ever before. It aims to tackle the best arguments of its intellectual opponents, not just the easiest targets. It’s a journal I’ve read for nearly 30 years and I can’t think of a time when I’ve valued it more. „
Jonah Goldberg
“ For decades, COMMENTARY has opened its pages to the most serious uncompromising defense of the American creed—exemplar of ordered liberty at home, pillar of the free world abroad—in an era when it has been most under attack. From the exceptionally influential manifestoes of Daniel Patrick Moynihan and Jeane Kirkpatrick to today's counterattack against the empowered advocates of the entitlement state and of American decline, COMMENTARY remains what it has been for more than a generation: fearless, informative, indispensable. „
Charles Krauthammer
“ COMMENTARY isn’t just an important magazine. It’s an indispensable one. It’s been indispensable for half a century, and it is today. It’s indispensable for understanding the moment we live in, and it’s indispensable for laying out a path forward. The challenges we confront are great, but COMMENTARY is used to facing grave challenges without fearful cowering or wishful thinking. So we need COMMENTARY today as much as we ever have, and we need it to be as strong as it’s ever been. „
William Kristol
“ COMMENTARY’s writing is predictably engaging and edgy, but its content is anything but homogeneous. Center-right perspectives characterize contributions, but not predictably so. Jewish affairs are thematic, but not always. Controversies of the day are the usual subjects, yet offered only with reflection well apart from the frenzied 24/7 news cycle. Intellectual honesty and analytical rigor characterize COMMENTARY and that is why even its political critics concede that they are still enlightened by the very arguments they often oppose. „
Victor Davis Hanson
“ COMMENTARY is an indispensable read on the Arab Spring, the Afghan war, the future of American conservatism, and all the other crazy stuff out there. But you already knew that. What I really love about it is that it’s a full-service operation, and its back-of-the-book guys—the fellows who write about music, literature, and all the things that make life worth living as the world goes to hell—are the best in the business. There is an observation in a Terry Teachout piece on the wonderful singer Nancy LaMott about “Moon River” that has stayed with me for almost two decades. I fished it out from the back of my mind to impress a gal at a Goldwater Institute reception only the other day, and it worked a treat. So thank you, COMMENTARY! Likewise, my differences with the arts’n’culture crew unsettle me far more than the geopolitical ones: reasonable people can disagree on how large a nuclear arsenal those wacky mullahs should be permitted to own, but I’m still agog at the great Andrew Ferguson’s mystifying praise for the New York Times obituaries page a couple of issues back. That’s COMMENTARY for you—provocative to the end, on matters large and small. In these turbulent and dismaying times, we can all use a huckleberry friend waiting round the bend, in the mailbox each month and on the computer screen every morning. For any journal of opinion, as “Moon River” teaches us, there’s such a lot of world to see. COMMENTARY sees most of it with piercing clarity: it can’t know all the answers, but it asks all the right questions, and with great farsightedness. It deserves your wholehearted support. „
Mark Steyn
“ COMMENTARY has played an invaluable role in American political discourse for decades, offering thoughtful analysis on issues rather than sound bites or bumper stickers. Especially when it comes to U.S. foreign and defense policy, COMMENTARY has time and time again been ahead of the crowd, anticipating trends and developments that others react to only after the fact. I can't imagine not being a COMMENTARY subscriber. „
John Bolton
“ In the midst of today’s political rancor, COMMENTARY Magazine provides a rare venue for thoughtful discussion. COMMENTARY’s talented writers provide insightful analysis of foreign affairs, domestic policy, and the politics of the day. COMMENTARY is a treasure not only for conservatives, but for anyone looking for in-depth exploration of the issues that influence America’s public dialogue and shape the nation’s future. „
Karl Rove
“ It's notorious, and true, that government officials hardly read anything. Memos, sure; nowadays, emails and tweets as well. But magazines? People barely have time to eat lunch or see their kids, so how can an intellectual monthly affect public affairs? The question is a good one. How did COMMENTARY do it? The answer is that officials, like all citizens following American foreign policy, need a way to understand the world around them. When prevailing theories fail, when conventional wisdom is clearly at variance with what they see before their eyes, the outcome for senators and congressmen and White House officials is what the shrinks call cognitive dissonance. They may say one thing but believe another, or simply be unable to square previous beliefs and policies with the clear effects of U.S. conduct. They've lost the ability to explain the world. And then came COMMENTARY, offering month after month of piercing, bracing analysis—and value judgments of right and wrong, and clear writing about American gains and losses. Here was an insistence on looking reality in the face. Here was plain argument, seeking no quarter intellectually and giving none. And it mattered. It shamed some people, and emboldened others; COMMENTARY demanded that we conform policy to the opportunities and dangers that really faced America. In years of confusion and obfuscation, that striking clarity changed policies, and changed American conduct, because it changed the way we understood the world. „
Elliott Abrams
“ For more than 60 years, COMMENTARY has been a go-to source on matters of the greatest importance to our nation and our civilization. Today, its full-throated defense of the United States and freedom is as eloquent as it was a half-century ago, and no less urgent. Issues of the day will change, news cycles come and go, but COMMENTARY remains an indispensable authority in the battle of ideas that help to shape our world. Its continued success is both an indication, and source, of the country’s intellectual health. „
Donald Rumsfeld
“ COMMENTARY is America's most important monthly journal of ideas, period. For nearly seven decades it has published the best and most exciting writing from the most important thinkers: Saul Bellow and Lionel Trilling; Daniel Patrick Moynihan and Jeane Kirkpatrick; Paul Johnson and Ruth Wisse; Cynthia Ozick and—of course—Norman Podhoretz and Midge Decter. Is there anything remotely like it? No. It is the lamp by which America, and Israel, and the Jewish people, may find their way to safety. I'm proud to be published in its pages. „
Bret Stephens
“ Irving Kristol once called COMMENTARY the most influential magazine in Jewish history. Certainly, no publication had a greater influence on me as I evolved from adolescent reader (arguing over its articles with my father and older brother) into a “frequent contributor” who made it my intellectual home. The magazine did not exploit American freedom to escape from civilizing duty but rather activated the intertwined responsibilities of citizens and members of a group. American Jewry can boast of many contributions to the welfare of this country and the Jewish people, but few as fortifying as COMMENTARY. „
Ruth R. Wisse
“ Edward Shils noted that there are four means of education in the modern world: the classroom, bookstores (especially used-bookstores), the conversation of intelligent friends, and intellectual magazines. For me intellectual magazines were more important than any of the other three, and no magazine among them more so than COMMENTARY. I first happened on COMMENTARY as a student browsing in the University of Chicago Bookstore in 1957. I have not missed an issue since. The magazine spoke to my intellectual interests and passions, and still does. As a reader and as a writer, I should be lost without it. „
Joseph Epstein
“ Why does COMMENTARY matter? Since 1945, no other monthly magazine has so consistently published serious, provocative argument and analysis. No other monthly magazine has viewed America and the world through such a wide angle, encompassing economics, politics, society, culture, religion, and diplomacy. No other monthly magazine has published such a celebrated and wide-ranging list of editors and contributors. Cerebral, critical, and committed, the point of view found in its pages is as unique as it is formidable. And in a world of Iranian nukes, rising anti-Semitism, radical Islam, American disarmament, bipartisan neo-isolationism, and disintegrating institutions, reading COMMENTARY is more than a pleasure. It is a necessity. „
Matthew Continetti
“ COMMENTARY has long been an unmissable landmark on the American intellectual landscape. These days it shapes debate, propels argument, and explains society with renewed vigor and force. It is one of the small group of essential reads for anybody engaged in politics, Judaism, foreign policy, national manners, and morals. „
David Brooks
“ Anyone looking for a definitive exposition of a significant historical moment—whether UC Berkeley's Free Speech Movement, say, or the battles over "general education" at Harvard—has at his fingertips an inestimable gift: COMMENTARY's archives, which contain countless gems of reporting and analysis. Today's generation of COMMENTARY writers is building an equally invaluable store of knowledge for future researchers and scholars. „
Heather Mac Donald
“ I first subscribed to COMMENTARY in 1973, as a recovering liberal who had invested four years of my young life in writing speeches for a constellation of McGovernite candidates and office-holders. Living in Berkeley at the time, I relished COMMENTARY as a guilty pleasure, feeling grateful that the magazine arrived each month discreetly disguised in a plain, brown wrapper that concealed its suspiciously neo-conservative content. In the militantly leftist community in which I functioned forty years ago, receiving regular monthly installments of the most degrading porn would have produced far less embarrassment than my growing devotion to the persuasive prose of Norman Podhoretz and Co. Yes, my personal journey from left to right-center involved the usual biographical factors, including the three P’s: paychecks, parenthood, and prayer. Paychecks, because they arrived with shocking subtractions in the form of onerous and incomprehensible taxes; parenthood, because responsibility for a new generation forced a longer-term perspective; and prayer, because my own growing Jewish observance led to the conclusion that my “idealistic” ’60s generation, with all its narcissism and preening self-regard, might not provide life’s ultimate answers after all. Fortunately for me, reading COMMENTARY with near-religious regularity helped to organize my onrushing insights and experience into a more coherent world view. In a dark time in our nation’s history, while surviving (temporarily) in the most unhinged corner of the continent, this incomparable publication persuaded me that I wasn’t alone. „
Michael Medved
“ Just as one begins to despair of hearing the strong voice of sanity and courage, leavened with charm and good humor, in our modern polity, COMMENTARY arrives, and once a month one can be reminded that there are indeed some clear-sighted and articulate people who seem actively to enjoy the battle for truth. „
Andrew Roberts
“ Every month in print, and every day online, COMMENTARY somehow manages to pull off a dazzling balancing act: intellectual but unpretentious, serious but never boring, timely but not fleeting. On the leading questions of the day, it offers fresh and unfamiliar insights. And on the emerging questions that will dominate the years to come, it often sees things first and clearest. It is simply indispensable. „
Yuval Levin
“ In a time of passion, COMMENTARY champions reason. Against lies, COMMENTARY speaks for truth. Confronting those who would doom to death the Jewish people, COMMENTARY is a magnificent continuing achievement of American Jewish life. „
David Frum
“ COMMENTARY has become my new go-to website for news analysis because it is measured, substantive, thoughtful, and written for news consumers of all shapes and sizes. When juggling all the issues of the day and thinking them through, I find myself going back to COMMENTARY again and again to see if there’s anything more that can help me add the ingredients needed to finalize an argument. I like the mix of foreign policy and national political news, as well as the discussions about America’s place in the world and what it should be. I’m a print subscriber and a frequent website visitor, and I follow all of the writers on Twitter. Thank you, COMMENTARY, for providing such consistently helpful content. „
Dana Perino
“ There is more commentary in the world than ever before—whether in print, on the air, or on the Internet. But there is still a dearth of serious, informed commentary that reports, analyzes, and argues without ever stooping to name-calling or vitriol. If you further narrow down the segment of the commentariat that looks at the world from a conservative and Jewish perspective—well, you’re left with only one choice. The magazine you are now reading. COMMENTARY has changed over the years—for instance, it now publishes this blog—but one thing that has not changed is its steadfast commitment to providing the best analysis from the most informed writers of the most important ideas in the world, all written in clear prose that appeals to a general audience. There is nothing else like it. Never has been, never will be. „
Max Boot
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Unlock this and every COMMENTARY article, including our entire archive dating back to 1945, and featuring so many classic, epoch-defining articles by some of the very best minds of the 20th and 21st centuries.
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Return Meaning to Terrorism List
Michael Rubin 2016-01-04
Over the last 24 hours, Pakistani-harbored terrorists attacked India’s Pathankot base in the Punjab province, and subsequently attacked India’s consulate in the northern Afghan town of Mazar-i-Sharif. The attackers appear to have been trained by Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence agency. Diplomats might try to obfuscate, but the facts are clear: Pakistan is a state-sponsor of terrorism.
That it is not listed as such, however, is a castigation of just how meaningless the State Department’s “State Sponsors of Terrorism List” has become. Created in 1979, the List was for decades a rogue’s gallery: North Korea, Iraq, Libya, South Yemen, Cuba, Iran, Sudan, and Syria. Designation as a state sponsor of terrorism brought with it mandatory sanctions and restrictions which both by law and because of reputation risk undercut the ability and willingness of many companies to invest within a designated country.
A generation of diplomats, however, has moved to treat the list as subjective rather than objective, thereby undermining both the stigma associated with being listed as well as the very real fight against terrorism. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, for example, de-listed North Korea in 2008 less because Pyongyang had ceased its support for terrorists and more to try to jump-start a peace process, a political ‘Hail Mary’ pass to change her boss’s foreign policy legacy. Meanwhile, regime change in Libya and Iraq led to their removal from the list.
President Barack Obama entered office promising to talk to any enemy with whom he could engage diplomatically, and he wasted no time doing so. By the time Iranians rose in protest against fraudulent elections in June 2009, he had written a couple of letters to Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, who returned the favor by mocking Obama on the 30th anniversary of the seizure of the U.S. Embassy in Tehran. “This new President of America said beautiful things,” Khamenei said on November 4, 2009. “He sent us messages constantly, both orally and written: ‘Come and let us turn the page, come and create a new situation, come and let us cooperate in solving the problems of the world.’ It reached this degree!” The State Department has not yet de-listed Iran as a state sponsor of terrorism, but it is likely a matter of time, as Secretary of State John Kerry completed the nuclear deal only by acquiescing to a cascade of concession. The State Department has met every further Iranian demand to lift or refuse to enforce sanctions with compliance. Likewise, if Kerry can do an about face on Syrian President Bashar al-Assad staying, then he can just as easily drop Syria’s designation in order to ‘further’ the peace process.
Cuba’s inclusion was the subject of some debate, but Kerry simply waived it away despite Cuba continuing to support violent revolutionary movements in Latin America and its harboring of American cop killers.
After the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, President George W. Bush issued an executive order, which empowered the Treasury Department in addition to the State Department to designate individuals and groups involved in terrorism, even if the ability to designate states as sponsors remain in State Department hands. The 2001 move coincided with a decision to much more effectively wield financial tools in the battle against terrorists and their sponsors. Any juxtaposition between the Treasury Department list and State Department list shows just how different the outcome can be with objective rather than subjective criteria.
The world has not gotten safer under Obama; terrorism is blossoming. To what degree Obama’s choices have exacerbated the problem can be the subject of historical debate, but it would be irresponsible to deny the reality of a growing terror threat. The rapidly shrinking state sponsor list, therefore, does not correlate with the facts. Perhaps it’s time, then, to take the ability to designate state sponsors out of the hands of the State Department, which has both corrupted the process and allowed ease of diplomacy and personal ambition to trump national security. Perhaps it’s time for an independent, bipartisan committee or some other body shielded from the pressures of diplomacy or politics to make the call. Reality should suggest that Turkey, Qatar and Pakistan should be considered state sponsors of terrorism. That they are all nominally U.S. partners should be a source of embarrassment that Washington allies with such countries. If such countries do not like the designation and the consequences which follow, there should be no shortcuts: The only way off would be to reform behavior and curtail support for terrorism.
Get unlimited access and never miss a story.
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Everyone worth reading avidly reads COMMENTARY. Can you afford not to?
“ In 1975 the Economist said of COMMENTARY: “The world's best magazine?” Take away the question mark and that statement still stands, thirty-eight years later. It's still the magazine America's liberals dread most, and the one America's enemies can't afford to ignore. It's the point of the conservative spear in the never-ending fight against the insanity of the left, whether it's in foreign policy or economic policy, social and cultural issues, or the arts—and no one does a better job standing up for Western culture and America's interests and those of its allies, including Israel. In fact, surviving the next three years—the Obama administration home stretch—and building the foundations for an American resurgence afterward will be impossible without reading COMMENTARY in print and online. „
Arthur Herman
“ There’s an enormous amount of shouting in the wild west of conservative media. That has its place, and is often a sign of the energy on the right. But amidst the cacophony there’s a special need for serious, considered, and compelling argument, presented in the hope of persuading, not just punishing. This is where COMMENTARY has always shined, perhaps more now than ever before. It aims to tackle the best arguments of its intellectual opponents, not just the easiest targets. It’s a journal I’ve read for nearly 30 years and I can’t think of a time when I’ve valued it more. „
Jonah Goldberg
“ For decades, COMMENTARY has opened its pages to the most serious uncompromising defense of the American creed—exemplar of ordered liberty at home, pillar of the free world abroad—in an era when it has been most under attack. From the exceptionally influential manifestoes of Daniel Patrick Moynihan and Jeane Kirkpatrick to today's counterattack against the empowered advocates of the entitlement state and of American decline, COMMENTARY remains what it has been for more than a generation: fearless, informative, indispensable. „
Charles Krauthammer
“ COMMENTARY isn’t just an important magazine. It’s an indispensable one. It’s been indispensable for half a century, and it is today. It’s indispensable for understanding the moment we live in, and it’s indispensable for laying out a path forward. The challenges we confront are great, but COMMENTARY is used to facing grave challenges without fearful cowering or wishful thinking. So we need COMMENTARY today as much as we ever have, and we need it to be as strong as it’s ever been. „
William Kristol
“ COMMENTARY’s writing is predictably engaging and edgy, but its content is anything but homogeneous. Center-right perspectives characterize contributions, but not predictably so. Jewish affairs are thematic, but not always. Controversies of the day are the usual subjects, yet offered only with reflection well apart from the frenzied 24/7 news cycle. Intellectual honesty and analytical rigor characterize COMMENTARY and that is why even its political critics concede that they are still enlightened by the very arguments they often oppose. „
Victor Davis Hanson
“ COMMENTARY is an indispensable read on the Arab Spring, the Afghan war, the future of American conservatism, and all the other crazy stuff out there. But you already knew that. What I really love about it is that it’s a full-service operation, and its back-of-the-book guys—the fellows who write about music, literature, and all the things that make life worth living as the world goes to hell—are the best in the business. There is an observation in a Terry Teachout piece on the wonderful singer Nancy LaMott about “Moon River” that has stayed with me for almost two decades. I fished it out from the back of my mind to impress a gal at a Goldwater Institute reception only the other day, and it worked a treat. So thank you, COMMENTARY! Likewise, my differences with the arts’n’culture crew unsettle me far more than the geopolitical ones: reasonable people can disagree on how large a nuclear arsenal those wacky mullahs should be permitted to own, but I’m still agog at the great Andrew Ferguson’s mystifying praise for the New York Times obituaries page a couple of issues back. That’s COMMENTARY for you—provocative to the end, on matters large and small. In these turbulent and dismaying times, we can all use a huckleberry friend waiting round the bend, in the mailbox each month and on the computer screen every morning. For any journal of opinion, as “Moon River” teaches us, there’s such a lot of world to see. COMMENTARY sees most of it with piercing clarity: it can’t know all the answers, but it asks all the right questions, and with great farsightedness. It deserves your wholehearted support. „
Mark Steyn
“ COMMENTARY has played an invaluable role in American political discourse for decades, offering thoughtful analysis on issues rather than sound bites or bumper stickers. Especially when it comes to U.S. foreign and defense policy, COMMENTARY has time and time again been ahead of the crowd, anticipating trends and developments that others react to only after the fact. I can't imagine not being a COMMENTARY subscriber. „
John Bolton
“ In the midst of today’s political rancor, COMMENTARY Magazine provides a rare venue for thoughtful discussion. COMMENTARY’s talented writers provide insightful analysis of foreign affairs, domestic policy, and the politics of the day. COMMENTARY is a treasure not only for conservatives, but for anyone looking for in-depth exploration of the issues that influence America’s public dialogue and shape the nation’s future. „
Karl Rove
“ It's notorious, and true, that government officials hardly read anything. Memos, sure; nowadays, emails and tweets as well. But magazines? People barely have time to eat lunch or see their kids, so how can an intellectual monthly affect public affairs? The question is a good one. How did COMMENTARY do it? The answer is that officials, like all citizens following American foreign policy, need a way to understand the world around them. When prevailing theories fail, when conventional wisdom is clearly at variance with what they see before their eyes, the outcome for senators and congressmen and White House officials is what the shrinks call cognitive dissonance. They may say one thing but believe another, or simply be unable to square previous beliefs and policies with the clear effects of U.S. conduct. They've lost the ability to explain the world. And then came COMMENTARY, offering month after month of piercing, bracing analysis—and value judgments of right and wrong, and clear writing about American gains and losses. Here was an insistence on looking reality in the face. Here was plain argument, seeking no quarter intellectually and giving none. And it mattered. It shamed some people, and emboldened others; COMMENTARY demanded that we conform policy to the opportunities and dangers that really faced America. In years of confusion and obfuscation, that striking clarity changed policies, and changed American conduct, because it changed the way we understood the world. „
Elliott Abrams
“ For more than 60 years, COMMENTARY has been a go-to source on matters of the greatest importance to our nation and our civilization. Today, its full-throated defense of the United States and freedom is as eloquent as it was a half-century ago, and no less urgent. Issues of the day will change, news cycles come and go, but COMMENTARY remains an indispensable authority in the battle of ideas that help to shape our world. Its continued success is both an indication, and source, of the country’s intellectual health. „
Donald Rumsfeld
“ COMMENTARY is America's most important monthly journal of ideas, period. For nearly seven decades it has published the best and most exciting writing from the most important thinkers: Saul Bellow and Lionel Trilling; Daniel Patrick Moynihan and Jeane Kirkpatrick; Paul Johnson and Ruth Wisse; Cynthia Ozick and—of course—Norman Podhoretz and Midge Decter. Is there anything remotely like it? No. It is the lamp by which America, and Israel, and the Jewish people, may find their way to safety. I'm proud to be published in its pages. „
Bret Stephens
“ Irving Kristol once called COMMENTARY the most influential magazine in Jewish history. Certainly, no publication had a greater influence on me as I evolved from adolescent reader (arguing over its articles with my father and older brother) into a “frequent contributor” who made it my intellectual home. The magazine did not exploit American freedom to escape from civilizing duty but rather activated the intertwined responsibilities of citizens and members of a group. American Jewry can boast of many contributions to the welfare of this country and the Jewish people, but few as fortifying as COMMENTARY. „
Ruth R. Wisse
“ Edward Shils noted that there are four means of education in the modern world: the classroom, bookstores (especially used-bookstores), the conversation of intelligent friends, and intellectual magazines. For me intellectual magazines were more important than any of the other three, and no magazine among them more so than COMMENTARY. I first happened on COMMENTARY as a student browsing in the University of Chicago Bookstore in 1957. I have not missed an issue since. The magazine spoke to my intellectual interests and passions, and still does. As a reader and as a writer, I should be lost without it. „
Joseph Epstein
“ Why does COMMENTARY matter? Since 1945, no other monthly magazine has so consistently published serious, provocative argument and analysis. No other monthly magazine has viewed America and the world through such a wide angle, encompassing economics, politics, society, culture, religion, and diplomacy. No other monthly magazine has published such a celebrated and wide-ranging list of editors and contributors. Cerebral, critical, and committed, the point of view found in its pages is as unique as it is formidable. And in a world of Iranian nukes, rising anti-Semitism, radical Islam, American disarmament, bipartisan neo-isolationism, and disintegrating institutions, reading COMMENTARY is more than a pleasure. It is a necessity. „
Matthew Continetti
“ COMMENTARY has long been an unmissable landmark on the American intellectual landscape. These days it shapes debate, propels argument, and explains society with renewed vigor and force. It is one of the small group of essential reads for anybody engaged in politics, Judaism, foreign policy, national manners, and morals. „
David Brooks
“ Anyone looking for a definitive exposition of a significant historical moment—whether UC Berkeley's Free Speech Movement, say, or the battles over "general education" at Harvard—has at his fingertips an inestimable gift: COMMENTARY's archives, which contain countless gems of reporting and analysis. Today's generation of COMMENTARY writers is building an equally invaluable store of knowledge for future researchers and scholars. „
Heather Mac Donald
“ I first subscribed to COMMENTARY in 1973, as a recovering liberal who had invested four years of my young life in writing speeches for a constellation of McGovernite candidates and office-holders. Living in Berkeley at the time, I relished COMMENTARY as a guilty pleasure, feeling grateful that the magazine arrived each month discreetly disguised in a plain, brown wrapper that concealed its suspiciously neo-conservative content. In the militantly leftist community in which I functioned forty years ago, receiving regular monthly installments of the most degrading porn would have produced far less embarrassment than my growing devotion to the persuasive prose of Norman Podhoretz and Co. Yes, my personal journey from left to right-center involved the usual biographical factors, including the three P’s: paychecks, parenthood, and prayer. Paychecks, because they arrived with shocking subtractions in the form of onerous and incomprehensible taxes; parenthood, because responsibility for a new generation forced a longer-term perspective; and prayer, because my own growing Jewish observance led to the conclusion that my “idealistic” ’60s generation, with all its narcissism and preening self-regard, might not provide life’s ultimate answers after all. Fortunately for me, reading COMMENTARY with near-religious regularity helped to organize my onrushing insights and experience into a more coherent world view. In a dark time in our nation’s history, while surviving (temporarily) in the most unhinged corner of the continent, this incomparable publication persuaded me that I wasn’t alone. „
Michael Medved
“ Just as one begins to despair of hearing the strong voice of sanity and courage, leavened with charm and good humor, in our modern polity, COMMENTARY arrives, and once a month one can be reminded that there are indeed some clear-sighted and articulate people who seem actively to enjoy the battle for truth. „
Andrew Roberts
“ Every month in print, and every day online, COMMENTARY somehow manages to pull off a dazzling balancing act: intellectual but unpretentious, serious but never boring, timely but not fleeting. On the leading questions of the day, it offers fresh and unfamiliar insights. And on the emerging questions that will dominate the years to come, it often sees things first and clearest. It is simply indispensable. „
Yuval Levin
“ In a time of passion, COMMENTARY champions reason. Against lies, COMMENTARY speaks for truth. Confronting those who would doom to death the Jewish people, COMMENTARY is a magnificent continuing achievement of American Jewish life. „
David Frum
“ COMMENTARY has become my new go-to website for news analysis because it is measured, substantive, thoughtful, and written for news consumers of all shapes and sizes. When juggling all the issues of the day and thinking them through, I find myself going back to COMMENTARY again and again to see if there’s anything more that can help me add the ingredients needed to finalize an argument. I like the mix of foreign policy and national political news, as well as the discussions about America’s place in the world and what it should be. I’m a print subscriber and a frequent website visitor, and I follow all of the writers on Twitter. Thank you, COMMENTARY, for providing such consistently helpful content. „
Dana Perino
“ There is more commentary in the world than ever before—whether in print, on the air, or on the Internet. But there is still a dearth of serious, informed commentary that reports, analyzes, and argues without ever stooping to name-calling or vitriol. If you further narrow down the segment of the commentariat that looks at the world from a conservative and Jewish perspective—well, you’re left with only one choice. The magazine you are now reading. COMMENTARY has changed over the years—for instance, it now publishes this blog—but one thing that has not changed is its steadfast commitment to providing the best analysis from the most informed writers of the most important ideas in the world, all written in clear prose that appeals to a general audience. There is nothing else like it. Never has been, never will be. „
Max Boot
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The Choice Facing Israeli Arabs
Jonathan S. Tobin 2016-01-04
On Friday as much of the world celebrate the first day of 2016, Israelis reeled from a horrifying shooting on a busy Tel Aviv street in which two people were killed by an Israeli Arab gunman who later also murdered the driver of the cab that he had used to make his escape. The incident led to two entirely predictable results: the rest of the world barely noticed the crime and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s statements about what happened generated severe criticism from his political opponents for “inciting” hatred against Arabs. While some of the brickbats tossed at Netanyahu are not without merit, his speech at the site of the shooting on Saturday night raised some interesting questions about the ethnic divide within Israel that deserve serious thought rather than airy dismissal.
Though no one should blame all Israeli Arabs for the act of one man, the possibility that the wave of Palestinian violence popularly referred to as the “stabbing intifada” might spread to Arab citizens of the country is one that cannot be ignored. If so, then perhaps Netanyahu wasn’t wrong to say that all Israeli citizens — including the Arab minority — must be loyal to the laws of the state and stand up against incitement to violence against Jews from Islamist sources. As much as Arab citizens of Israel have a right to expect equal treatment under the law from their country, the growing feeling among them that they are “Palestinians” rather than Israelis is one that is bound to lead to inevitable conflict rather than greater justice.
The lack of interest in the Tel Aviv shooting in the international press was hardly surprising. A similar terror incident in a major European or American city would have been a big deal with wall-to-wall coverage on the cable news networks and millions changing their Facebook profile pictures to demonstrate their solidarity with the victims.
But when Arabs shoot Israeli Jews, the world yawns. Terrorism against Israelis is considered normal and nothing worth getting too worked up about even if its source is the same Islamist ideology that drove the Paris and San Bernardino attacks. Moreover, many influenced by the rising tide of anti-Semitism across the globe and misleading Palestinian propaganda about the conflict with Israeli have increasingly come to think Jews deserve to be killed. The double standard by which the world judges terrorism against Israel is evidence of the spread and scope of Jew hatred.
As for Netanyahu’s reaction to the Tel Aviv shooting, it must be admitted that there was something off-putting about him setting up an official lectern at the site and lecturing his nation about incitement. One can’t blame many Israelis for wishing that he had used the occasion to make a unifying statement that sought to calm tensions rather than heighten them. As always seems to be the case, the prime minister has a knack for saying things that inflame passions when a cooler head might have preferred to do the opposite.
Moreover, critics are also right to note that a man who has been in an office for seven years is hardly in a position to react to the problem of lawlessness in the Israeli Arab community as if it was something new. For all of the difficulties of getting anything passed through the Knesset or having policies implemented by the country’s bureaucracy, Netanyahu can’t pretend that he hasn’t had plenty of time to try to address the endemic problems of Arab communities inside Israel that are afflicted by violence as well as substandard government services.
But though the usual gang tackle of Netanyahu’s utterances as Israelis across the political spectrum slammed his speech is understandable, it doesn’t quite answer the questions he raised. That’s because while his judgment may be questioned, the key point he put his finger on can’t be ignored indefinitely. The problem there is not just about funding levels for Arab communities. Rather, it speaks to the basic conundrum of being an Arab minority in an overwhelmingly Jewish state that most of the Arab and Muslim world still wants to see destroyed.
Though Israel’s critics never want to talk about it, Israeli Arabs really do have more rights than most of the counterparts in the rest of the Middle East where Arab or Muslim majorities dominate. It bears pointing out that when former Prime Minister Ehud Olmert was sentenced to prison after being convicted of corruption charges, it was an Israeli Arab judge that handed down the verdict. Israeli is represented by Arab diplomats around the world. Its Arab citizens vote and are represented in the Knesset by political parties that are supposed to speak up for their interests.
To acknowledge these facts doesn’t gainsay the endemic problems of poverty and inadequate education and services in the Arab sector. But the greatest threat to that community today isn’t the indifference or even the prejudice of the Jewish majority. Instead, it is the growing embrace of Palestinian nationalism as well as of Islamist ideology by many Israeli Arabs. Netanyahu wasn’t wrong to cite the incitement in mosques, Arab schools and on social media as helping to contribute to violence. But what that points to is a reality in which many Israeli Arabs see themselves as sympathizing with those at war with their country.
There is nothing unusual about a nation state, even democracies, containing significant minority communities. But when a minority views itself as not merely outside of the majority culture, as Arabs inevitably must feel about a Jewish state, but actively sympathizing with those seeking to destroy it, it creates a problem that goes far beyond the usual breast-beating about the need to do more to make the country a more just place for non-Jews.
It is all well and good to criticize Netanyahu for seeming to place the onus for the Tel Aviv shooting on the entire Arab community. But Israeli Arabs also need to acknowledge that their seeming indifference or tacit support for terror directed at Jews is not something that can be blamed on the Likud or its leader. Though we must hope that the majority of Israeli Arabs deplore violence, the transformation of their communities since the Oslo Accords have made Netanyahu’s questions more pertinent.
Prior to the 1993 peace accords, Israeli Arabs didn’t refer to themselves “Palestinians” but instead insisted on being called as well as being treated as “Israelis.” Since the establishment of the Palestinian Authority as the governing body of the West Bank and Gaza (which is now ruled by Hamas), that changed. Though few would wish to be governed by the Fatah kleptocracy that runs the West Bank or the Islamist tyranny of Hamas, the notion of a specifically Israeli Arab identity has been downgraded in favor of a more general Palestinian one. That doesn’t relieve Israel of its obligation to serve all of its citizens equally. But it does exacerbate the issue of divided loyalties that has afflicted Israeli Arabs since the inception of the state. That’s especially true if Israeli Arabs are now thinking about the conflict with the same level of extremism and intolerance that characterizes the views of most Palestinians.
In that sense Netanyahu is right. Israeli Arabs cannot believe themselves as being at war with the country in which they are living and expect this situation to be blithely accepted by their Jewish neighbors or to not damage the society from which they rightly demand equal rights.
We must hope that the New Year’s Day horror in Tel Aviv won’t be repeated but Israel has a right to expect all its citizens will denounce this crime and oppose those who call for its repetition. Israel isn’t perfect but, in its 67+ years of existence, it has proved that a Jewish state can survive while offering its Arab minorities equal rights. But Israeli Arabs must understand that by not standing up against incitement to violence and supporting political parties that call for Israel to be abolished, they are not helping the cause of equality or coexistence. Those who concentrate their fire on Netanyahu while ignoring this growing problem are doing Israel’s Arab citizens no favors.
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Arthur Herman
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Jonah Goldberg
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Charles Krauthammer
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William Kristol
“ COMMENTARY’s writing is predictably engaging and edgy, but its content is anything but homogeneous. Center-right perspectives characterize contributions, but not predictably so. Jewish affairs are thematic, but not always. Controversies of the day are the usual subjects, yet offered only with reflection well apart from the frenzied 24/7 news cycle. Intellectual honesty and analytical rigor characterize COMMENTARY and that is why even its political critics concede that they are still enlightened by the very arguments they often oppose. „
Victor Davis Hanson
“ COMMENTARY is an indispensable read on the Arab Spring, the Afghan war, the future of American conservatism, and all the other crazy stuff out there. But you already knew that. What I really love about it is that it’s a full-service operation, and its back-of-the-book guys—the fellows who write about music, literature, and all the things that make life worth living as the world goes to hell—are the best in the business. There is an observation in a Terry Teachout piece on the wonderful singer Nancy LaMott about “Moon River” that has stayed with me for almost two decades. I fished it out from the back of my mind to impress a gal at a Goldwater Institute reception only the other day, and it worked a treat. So thank you, COMMENTARY! Likewise, my differences with the arts’n’culture crew unsettle me far more than the geopolitical ones: reasonable people can disagree on how large a nuclear arsenal those wacky mullahs should be permitted to own, but I’m still agog at the great Andrew Ferguson’s mystifying praise for the New York Times obituaries page a couple of issues back. That’s COMMENTARY for you—provocative to the end, on matters large and small. In these turbulent and dismaying times, we can all use a huckleberry friend waiting round the bend, in the mailbox each month and on the computer screen every morning. For any journal of opinion, as “Moon River” teaches us, there’s such a lot of world to see. COMMENTARY sees most of it with piercing clarity: it can’t know all the answers, but it asks all the right questions, and with great farsightedness. It deserves your wholehearted support. „
Mark Steyn
“ COMMENTARY has played an invaluable role in American political discourse for decades, offering thoughtful analysis on issues rather than sound bites or bumper stickers. Especially when it comes to U.S. foreign and defense policy, COMMENTARY has time and time again been ahead of the crowd, anticipating trends and developments that others react to only after the fact. I can't imagine not being a COMMENTARY subscriber. „
John Bolton
“ In the midst of today’s political rancor, COMMENTARY Magazine provides a rare venue for thoughtful discussion. COMMENTARY’s talented writers provide insightful analysis of foreign affairs, domestic policy, and the politics of the day. COMMENTARY is a treasure not only for conservatives, but for anyone looking for in-depth exploration of the issues that influence America’s public dialogue and shape the nation’s future. „
Karl Rove
“ It's notorious, and true, that government officials hardly read anything. Memos, sure; nowadays, emails and tweets as well. But magazines? People barely have time to eat lunch or see their kids, so how can an intellectual monthly affect public affairs? The question is a good one. How did COMMENTARY do it? The answer is that officials, like all citizens following American foreign policy, need a way to understand the world around them. When prevailing theories fail, when conventional wisdom is clearly at variance with what they see before their eyes, the outcome for senators and congressmen and White House officials is what the shrinks call cognitive dissonance. They may say one thing but believe another, or simply be unable to square previous beliefs and policies with the clear effects of U.S. conduct. They've lost the ability to explain the world. And then came COMMENTARY, offering month after month of piercing, bracing analysis—and value judgments of right and wrong, and clear writing about American gains and losses. Here was an insistence on looking reality in the face. Here was plain argument, seeking no quarter intellectually and giving none. And it mattered. It shamed some people, and emboldened others; COMMENTARY demanded that we conform policy to the opportunities and dangers that really faced America. In years of confusion and obfuscation, that striking clarity changed policies, and changed American conduct, because it changed the way we understood the world. „
Elliott Abrams
“ For more than 60 years, COMMENTARY has been a go-to source on matters of the greatest importance to our nation and our civilization. Today, its full-throated defense of the United States and freedom is as eloquent as it was a half-century ago, and no less urgent. Issues of the day will change, news cycles come and go, but COMMENTARY remains an indispensable authority in the battle of ideas that help to shape our world. Its continued success is both an indication, and source, of the country’s intellectual health. „
Donald Rumsfeld
“ COMMENTARY is America's most important monthly journal of ideas, period. For nearly seven decades it has published the best and most exciting writing from the most important thinkers: Saul Bellow and Lionel Trilling; Daniel Patrick Moynihan and Jeane Kirkpatrick; Paul Johnson and Ruth Wisse; Cynthia Ozick and—of course—Norman Podhoretz and Midge Decter. Is there anything remotely like it? No. It is the lamp by which America, and Israel, and the Jewish people, may find their way to safety. I'm proud to be published in its pages. „
Bret Stephens
“ Irving Kristol once called COMMENTARY the most influential magazine in Jewish history. Certainly, no publication had a greater influence on me as I evolved from adolescent reader (arguing over its articles with my father and older brother) into a “frequent contributor” who made it my intellectual home. The magazine did not exploit American freedom to escape from civilizing duty but rather activated the intertwined responsibilities of citizens and members of a group. American Jewry can boast of many contributions to the welfare of this country and the Jewish people, but few as fortifying as COMMENTARY. „
Ruth R. Wisse
“ Edward Shils noted that there are four means of education in the modern world: the classroom, bookstores (especially used-bookstores), the conversation of intelligent friends, and intellectual magazines. For me intellectual magazines were more important than any of the other three, and no magazine among them more so than COMMENTARY. I first happened on COMMENTARY as a student browsing in the University of Chicago Bookstore in 1957. I have not missed an issue since. The magazine spoke to my intellectual interests and passions, and still does. As a reader and as a writer, I should be lost without it. „
Joseph Epstein
“ Why does COMMENTARY matter? Since 1945, no other monthly magazine has so consistently published serious, provocative argument and analysis. No other monthly magazine has viewed America and the world through such a wide angle, encompassing economics, politics, society, culture, religion, and diplomacy. No other monthly magazine has published such a celebrated and wide-ranging list of editors and contributors. Cerebral, critical, and committed, the point of view found in its pages is as unique as it is formidable. And in a world of Iranian nukes, rising anti-Semitism, radical Islam, American disarmament, bipartisan neo-isolationism, and disintegrating institutions, reading COMMENTARY is more than a pleasure. It is a necessity. „
Matthew Continetti
“ COMMENTARY has long been an unmissable landmark on the American intellectual landscape. These days it shapes debate, propels argument, and explains society with renewed vigor and force. It is one of the small group of essential reads for anybody engaged in politics, Judaism, foreign policy, national manners, and morals. „
David Brooks
“ Anyone looking for a definitive exposition of a significant historical moment—whether UC Berkeley's Free Speech Movement, say, or the battles over "general education" at Harvard—has at his fingertips an inestimable gift: COMMENTARY's archives, which contain countless gems of reporting and analysis. Today's generation of COMMENTARY writers is building an equally invaluable store of knowledge for future researchers and scholars. „
Heather Mac Donald
“ I first subscribed to COMMENTARY in 1973, as a recovering liberal who had invested four years of my young life in writing speeches for a constellation of McGovernite candidates and office-holders. Living in Berkeley at the time, I relished COMMENTARY as a guilty pleasure, feeling grateful that the magazine arrived each month discreetly disguised in a plain, brown wrapper that concealed its suspiciously neo-conservative content. In the militantly leftist community in which I functioned forty years ago, receiving regular monthly installments of the most degrading porn would have produced far less embarrassment than my growing devotion to the persuasive prose of Norman Podhoretz and Co. Yes, my personal journey from left to right-center involved the usual biographical factors, including the three P’s: paychecks, parenthood, and prayer. Paychecks, because they arrived with shocking subtractions in the form of onerous and incomprehensible taxes; parenthood, because responsibility for a new generation forced a longer-term perspective; and prayer, because my own growing Jewish observance led to the conclusion that my “idealistic” ’60s generation, with all its narcissism and preening self-regard, might not provide life’s ultimate answers after all. Fortunately for me, reading COMMENTARY with near-religious regularity helped to organize my onrushing insights and experience into a more coherent world view. In a dark time in our nation’s history, while surviving (temporarily) in the most unhinged corner of the continent, this incomparable publication persuaded me that I wasn’t alone. „
Michael Medved
“ Just as one begins to despair of hearing the strong voice of sanity and courage, leavened with charm and good humor, in our modern polity, COMMENTARY arrives, and once a month one can be reminded that there are indeed some clear-sighted and articulate people who seem actively to enjoy the battle for truth. „
Andrew Roberts
“ Every month in print, and every day online, COMMENTARY somehow manages to pull off a dazzling balancing act: intellectual but unpretentious, serious but never boring, timely but not fleeting. On the leading questions of the day, it offers fresh and unfamiliar insights. And on the emerging questions that will dominate the years to come, it often sees things first and clearest. It is simply indispensable. „
Yuval Levin
“ In a time of passion, COMMENTARY champions reason. Against lies, COMMENTARY speaks for truth. Confronting those who would doom to death the Jewish people, COMMENTARY is a magnificent continuing achievement of American Jewish life. „
David Frum
“ COMMENTARY has become my new go-to website for news analysis because it is measured, substantive, thoughtful, and written for news consumers of all shapes and sizes. When juggling all the issues of the day and thinking them through, I find myself going back to COMMENTARY again and again to see if there’s anything more that can help me add the ingredients needed to finalize an argument. I like the mix of foreign policy and national political news, as well as the discussions about America’s place in the world and what it should be. I’m a print subscriber and a frequent website visitor, and I follow all of the writers on Twitter. Thank you, COMMENTARY, for providing such consistently helpful content. „
Dana Perino
“ There is more commentary in the world than ever before—whether in print, on the air, or on the Internet. But there is still a dearth of serious, informed commentary that reports, analyzes, and argues without ever stooping to name-calling or vitriol. If you further narrow down the segment of the commentariat that looks at the world from a conservative and Jewish perspective—well, you’re left with only one choice. The magazine you are now reading. COMMENTARY has changed over the years—for instance, it now publishes this blog—but one thing that has not changed is its steadfast commitment to providing the best analysis from the most informed writers of the most important ideas in the world, all written in clear prose that appeals to a general audience. There is nothing else like it. Never has been, never will be. „
Max Boot
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Requiem for a Failed Foreign Policy
Noah Rothman 2016-01-04
It’s always a good time to review the histrionics that characterized the New York Times editorial board’s coverage of the Iraq War, particularly in the months leading up to the “surge.” With sectarian tensions in the Middle East rising to a level unimagined in even the darkest days of the Iraq insurgency, today is a particularly compelling day to review one of the Bush administration’s most critical news outlets.
“The disaster is Mr. Bush’s war, and he’s already failed,” the Times editors’ averred almost nine years ago to the day. “The nation needs an eyes-wide-open recognition that the only goal left is to get the U.S. military out of this civil war in a way that could minimize the slaughter of Iraqis and reduce the chances that the chaos Mr. Bush unleashed will engulf Iraq’s neighbors.” Today, regional tensions between Sunni and Shi’ite Muslims are perhaps as or more strained than they were during the Iraq insurgency.
The reason for the present suboptimal state of affairs is simple: Despite setbacks, the Bush administration’s approach to Iraq and the neighboring region was grounded in a grand strategy. By contrast, this administration’s approach to managing Middle Eastern affairs was from day one rooted in the president’s desire to seek rapprochement with Iran. To the extent that pursuing a thaw in relations with Tehran was a matter of near exclusive primacy, many other pressing regional concerns were deprioritized or disregarded entirely. The terrible fruits of that misguided approach to geopolitics are only now ripening.
Barack Obama’s approach to foreign affairs was never rudderless. It was always founded in what the administration believed provided the president with the most near-term domestic political benefit, which is in part why the only Obama doctrine ever offered by administration officials is inherently retrospective. “Don’t do stupid s***” is a doctrine that can be neither predictive nor prescriptive, since that which is deemed “stupid” is subjective and often only dubbed as much after the fact. For some of this administration’s adventures, though, that which proved in the long run to be “stupid” was foreseeable and obvious. A total reorientation of American alliance structure in the Middle East that shifted Washington away from its traditional Sunni allies in Riyadh and Cairo and toward the region’s Shi’ite-led powers was always going to have a destabilizing effect. It is an effect that has been apparent for months.
When anti-government protests gave way to a civil war, the Obama administration determined that its best course was to avoid any engagement in Syria. The White House did all within its power to evade its commitments to contain that conflict and exact retribution against Bashar al-Assad for violating prohibitions on the use of chemical weapons. As Sunnis from around the Middle East flooded into Syria to take revenge on the dictator who has today slaughtered over a quarter million mostly Sunni Syrians, many of whom became radicalized in the process, the region’s American allies pleaded for Western aid. Their pleas went largely unanswered until the crisis in Syria engulfed Iraq.
This administration’s approach to international affairs in the Middle East was revealed to be hopelessly untethered to anything resembling a strategy when Yemen dissolved into civil war in late 2014. To preserve the White House’s drone war against al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula abetted by the ousted government in Sana’a, the administration initially sought continuity by making friendly overtures Houthi rebels now in control of the capital. The Obama White House appeared to disregard the fact that the Houthis were an Iran-backed insurgent force, and their success in Sana’a (and their drive toward the strategically vital port of Aden) was regarded as an acute national security threat in neighboring Saudi Arabia. Only when those overtures were rejected by the “deeply anti-American” Houthi militia did Washington tacitly endorse the Saudi-led military intervention in Yemen.
From Syria to Yemen, from Iraq to Bahrain; the Middle East has been characterized by a region-wide proxy war between Saudi Arabia and Iran since at least 2011, following American withdrawal from Iraq. Obama’s White House should have had no higher priority than to ensure that this conflict retains its character as a geopolitical struggle between two opposing capitals and not come to be regarded as a great sectarian reckoning. It may already be too late to prevent that deadly impression from taking hold.
There was perhaps nothing Washington could do to prevent Riyadh from executing the Shi’ite cleric Nimr al-Nimr. Their leverage over the Saudi Kingdom had long ago been thoroughly squandered. Iran, too, demonstrated its disregard for the West by allowing a mob to ransack the Saudi embassy – a criminal assault on the sovereignty of diplomatic envoys that should offend every nation on Earth. But while Tehran’s contempt for the West is (or, at least, should be) a known quantity, the extent to which Riyadh wanted their dissatisfaction with Washington to be fully understood was staggering.
“Enough is enough,” a source close to the Saudi government told Reuters reporters. “Again and again, Tehran has thumbed their nose at the West.”
“Every time the Iranians do something, the U.S. backs off. In the meantime, Saudi (Arabia) is actually doing something about it in Syria, in Iran and in Yemen,” Reuters’s Saudi source added. “The Saudis really don’t care if they anger the White House.”
Within hours of the start of this new crisis, Iran and Saudi Arabia severed all diplomatic ties. Commercial and travel relations soon followed. Bahrain and Sudan backed Riyadh in the effort to isolate Tehran and both cut diplomatic ties with the Islamic Republic. The Emiratis announced that they had downgraded bilateral relations with Iran, and the governments of Kuwait and Egypt condemned Tehran for its behavior. Two Sunni mosques in Hila, Iraq were attacked by vengeful bands of Shi’ites. Crude oil prices are again on the rise commensurate with increased Middle Eastern tensions, and the United Nations Syria envoy has been rerouted to stave off a new crisis – the prospects for a negotiated peace in the Levant are now as bleak as ever.
If history is any guide, the administration’s response to this instability will be to do everything within its power to preserve the integrity of a dubious nuclear deal with Iran, even at the expense of America’s influence in the wider Gulf region. It is now clear that the next president will inherit a Middle East in which friendly relations between Sunnis and Shi’ites are nearing a nadir. What is unclear is how the New York Times editorial board will blame George W. Bush for that condition.
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