The Actual Pauline Kael Quote—Not As Bad, and Worse

The clearest example of the bizarrely naive quality of hermetic liberal provincialism was attributed to the New Yorker film critic Pauline Kael almost 40 years ago, and has been discussed in right-wing circles ever since. It went something like this: “I can’t believe Nixon won. I don’t know anyone who voted for him.” Several years ago, I went on an admittedly desultory search for the original quote and was unable to locate it.

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The Actual Pauline Kael Quote—Not As Bad, and Worse

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Who Will Stand with Iranian People?

Jay Solomon at the Wall Street Journal reports that, so far, Iran’s hardliners appear to be benefiting disproportionately from the Iranian nuclear deal. This shouldn’t surprise: The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps’ economic wing controls most of the industries that stand to benefit from the influx of hard currency and new investment. There was also a precedent. Between 1999 and 2005, European Union trade with Iran almost tripled, and the price of oil quintupled. The result? Iran invested about 70 percent of its hard currency windfall into its then-covert nuclear and ballistic missile programs, programs that were coordinated by then Supreme National Security Council chairman, Hassan Rouhani, the man whom President Obama imagines is a reformer.

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Liberalism’s Lost Sense of Limits

In an essay in the indispensable journal National Affairs, “Moynihan and the Neocons,” Greg Weiner writes:

What, then, shall we make of Moynihan’s pungent critiques of liberals, critiques accompanied by his frequent praise of conservative thinkers ranging from Burke to Oakeshott, Kristol to Strauss?

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Why Do People Dislike Police?

Against the backdrop of the racially polarized lens through which so many in the media and academic sphere discuss law enforcement, it has become conventional wisdom that many blacks and members of other racial or perhaps religious minorities distrust the police. In recent years, this distrust has manifested itself with increasing violence. In December 2014, a racial vigilante executed two police officers in New York City, and the National Law Enforcement Officer’s Memorial Fund says that such ambush-style attacks were “the leading felonious cause of deaths among officers in 2014 and for the fifth straight year.” Nor is this a new trend. While some on the left lionize Black Nationalist activist Mumia Abu-Jamal as some sort of political prisoner, the fact of the matter is that he murdered policeman Daniel Faulkner in cold blood during a traffic stop. Abu-Jamal, not Faulkner, was the racist. While police officer deaths declined in 2015, the a self-professed Islamic State loyalist’s attempt to kill a Philadelphia police officer on Friday suggests the problem of racial or religious activists targeting police simply because they are a symbol of state authority will remain a problem.

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Palestinians Tell Us What They Want

When an Islamist terrorist with Israeli citizenship shot up a Tel Aviv café on New Year’s Day killing three people, there was no outpouring of support or sympathy from around the world for the victim or the people of Israel. Indeed, the only aspect of the story that drew much international coverage was Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s speech afterward in which he cautioned Israeli Arabs that they needed to stand up and condemn rather than condone such crimes. This effort to condemn terrorism was damned as incitement against the country’s Arab minority. But a week later, the world got a taste of what real incitement to hatred and terror looked like when the shooter was finally cornered and killed by Israeli police in his hometown in northern Israel.

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Will Turkey Adopt Islamic Work Week?

When Turkey’s ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) first took power in 2002, they did so against the backdrop of a banking and financial crisis. In one day, the Turkish currency had lost 35 percent of its value, taking a bite out of almost every Turk’s bank account and purchasing power. Recep Tayyip Erdoğan was wise: He focused his party’s efforts on popular measures to stabilize and repair the economy, rather than pursue some of the Islamist social agenda that his detractors feared. To a large degree, he succeeded. In the five years before the AKP assumed power, Turkey’s currency devalued from around 200,000 lira to just over 1.7 million lira against the dollar while in the first two years of AKP government, the Turkish currency actually strengthened to 1.5 million lira to the dollar. Whereas today Erdoğan has launched a jihad against cigarettes, back in the day Turkish radio broadcast stories about Erdoğan’s efforts to lower cigarette taxes.

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